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neighbouring country; and yet, will the reader believe, that those most distinguished for their patriotism and public virtue, both in 1815, and at every former period of the revolutionary war, are the very men now marked out as the objects of jealousy and persecution! just as if the sovereigns of Germany had modelled their policy on that of the beloved Ferdinand of Spain !*

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From all that has transpired relative to German affairs during the last four years, it is scarcely necessary to add that ever since the treaty of Paris, concluded in 1815, up to the present moment, there has been one incessant cry for a representative system. The modern wishes, like the ancient manners of this

*The public papers have lately announced that the celebrated Colonel Massenbach has had his imprisonment for life commuted to one of fourteen years! This is doubtless considered as a great act of clemency on the part of his Prussian majesty ; but the public should also have been informed that this victim of tyranny and despotic power is nearly seventy years old! And what was this much injured and meritorious officer's crime? That of a constitutional endeavour to improve the condition of his country!

nation require, that "the princes shall act, but the people deliberate." Ita tamen ut ea quoque quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes per tractentur. While some of the minor sovereigns have been prevailed upon to gratify the united desires of their subjects, † the cabinet of Berlin has merely held out vague and indefinite promises, whereas that of Vienna is obstinately deaf

* Tacitus de Moribus Germ. cap. xi.

† It would be an injustice to the late ruler of France, were the editor to omit stating, that all the princes who have acceded to the prayers of the people on this vitally important matter, happen to be those whom NAPOLEON either raised to the kingly power, or distinguished by his special favour and protection. It is needless to say that these meritorious princes are the most deservedly popular in Germany; nor has it escaped general notice, that the only two crowned heads in Germany, who merit the rare and envied appellation of the FATHERS OF THEir people, are the kings of Saxony and Bavaria! While, therefore, we admire the wisdom of those measures which are now operating so beneficially on the people in Bavaria, Wirtemburg and Baden, let us not be so illiberal as to deny Napoleon the praise of selecting such men; much less forget, that the only sovereigns who oppose the wishes of their subjects, have consigned the once powerful emperor to prison and proscription !!!

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to every appeal on the subject; nay, it is most sedulously occupied in checking the progress of knowledge and liberty at home, while it unceasingly continues to impoverish the devoted provinces of Italy abroad!

On perceiving how little could be expected from the foregoing policy, and warned by the proceedings of two successive congresses, at which all the members of the Holy Alliance assembled, without the adoption of one solitary measure in favour of popular freedom, the German public have latterly expressed themselves more loudly and distinctly than ever; but having no privilege of meeting for the discussion of political subjects, and redress of grievances; whatever steps are resorted to, for the promotion of such objects, must be taken in secret: hence the necessity of those associations which are so great a source of alarm at the present crisis. As these societies were originally established under the auspices of the respective governments, and for the express purpose of securing the external independence of Germany,

it is by no means likely, that the founders were less indifferent to internal freedom than adverse to foreign dominion. Taking it for granted, therefore, that associations which were composed of the most respectable and enlightened part of the nation, are ardently attached to the best interests of their country, and that they are impressed with a settled conviction of some improvement in the political system of Germany, being absolutely indispensible; it is of importance to add, that their views are most warmly seconded by an able and independent press, conducted upon totally different principles to those which shackle and corrupt the editors of newspapers and periodical works in other countries. Besides, instead of being in the hands of venal writers, and notorious political apostates, many of the best papers and magazines of Germany are conducted by its most learned professors; men no less distinguished for their erudition and extensive knowledge, than their private virtue and unequivocal attachment to liberty. When

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in addition to this circumstance, it is known that the above co-operation has an almost unlimited influence and direct communication with the second and third classes; who will attempt to maintain that the governments of that truly enlightened country can ever hope to enforce a relinquishment of those just claims, which have been accorded to the people of France, notwithstanding all her disasters?

Were he justified in trespassing on the time of his readers, the Editor could adduce many more reasons drawn from the persevering nature, and dauntless enthusiasm of the whole people, to prove the impossibility of any combination on the part of the German cabinets, either intimidating the advocates of reform, or rejecting their claims. While enumerating a few of those advantages which are most calculated to ensure success to the cause of reform in Germany, the friends of liberty in this country will be glad to hear, that although so despotic in the form and practice of its government, the soldiery is a much


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