CHAPTER XIV.

BARTLETT.

HE adjournment of the extra session of 1886 from August

THE

20 to September 7, 1886, was occasioned in great part by the fact that the state conventions of the two main parties of the state had been called to meet in the interim-the Republican at Los Angeles on August 25, and the Democratic at San Francisco on August 31. The Republican convention adopted a platform reaffirming the principles enunciated at Chicago and at Sacramento in 1884, but added a plank in favor of co-operative labor; another in favor of the free coinage of silver; another against the further unlimited immigration of Chinese; another demanding that the railroad should be required to pay its taxes; another in favor of the so-called "Heath amendment;" another in favor of a proper scheme of irrigation, which would give to the state the control of all unappropriated waters and prevent any further appropriation or the acquiring of any right thereto that would interfere with a just distribution and utilization of such waters by all; another against the "wasteful and incompetent" state administration, whose "weakness, extravagance and vacillating policy" had "brought reproach upon the fair fame of California;" and still another consisting of a declaration that the calling of the extra session of 1886 for the purpose of reversing a decision of the supreme court was without parallel in the history of the country; that the policy which dictated it was un-American and revolutionary, and that no words of censure could adequately characterize that attempt to destroy a co-ordinate branch of the government. It then nominated John F. Swift for governor, Robert W. Waterman for lieutenantgovernor, A. Van R. Paterson and Thomas B. McFarland for ( 700 )

justices of the supreme court, Noble Hamilton to fill a vacancy on the supreme bench occasioned by the resignation a short time before of Justice Erskine M. Ross, and a list of candidates for other state officers.1

It was especially to the administration of President Grover Cleveland and the "honesty, frugality and success", with which it was conducting the affairs of government and "carrying out the principles of democracy in administering public trusts and keeping faith with the people," that the Democratic convention proudly invited attention in its platform. It recommended the free coinage of both gold and silver at the rates fixed by law; denounced the tariff on wool, and advocated the release from taxation of spirits used in the fortification of sweet wines and the protection of the wine, and especially the raisin, industry. It declared itself in favor of liberal wages and free labor and the encouragement of associations formed for the purpose of maintaining their rights by peaceful and efficient means against powerful and oppressive combinations. It announced its unalterable opposition to Chinese immigration and demanded the abrogation of what it called the "Burlingame-Swift" treaty; also its unalterable opposition to all sumptuary legislation. It condemned the great railroad companies "for their defiance of the state power, their corrupt practices and their persistent refusal to contribute their just and lawful proportion of the revenue" and demanded the defeat of the "Heath amendment." It demanded proper protection against invasion and favored liberal treatment of the citizen soldiery, and extended "with special emphasis" its "sympathy to the present heroic efforts of the Irish people." It declared that the English law of riparian rights was inapplicable to the circumstances and conditions of California, and that the state might at any time assume control of the diversion, use and distribution of water under general laws enacted for that purpose-provided it should in no event be called upon to construct irrigation works. It also declared that the public schools would always have the fostering care of the Democratic party, and that it was the duty of government to devise "some way for mining to be continued without injury to any other industry." Two 1Davis' Political Conventions, 513-518.

additional planks were adopted; one, offered by David S. Terry, that all supplies to be furnished for public institutions should be the product of white labor only; and the other, offered by G. W. Jeffries, that every Republican in office by appointment, except those holding under civil service rules, should be removed and a Democrat appointed in his place. The Democratic nominations for the principal offices were Washington Bartlett for governor, M. F. Tarpey for lieutenant-governor, Jeremiah F. Sullivan and Samuel Bell McKee for justices of the supreme court, and Jackson Temple to fill the vacancy occasioned by Ross' resignation. There were numerous other conventions, among which were those of a Citizens' Anti-Chinese party at Sacramento on March 10; a Prohibition party at Sacramento on May 12; a State Irrigation party at San Francisco on May 30; a Grangers' party at Sacramento on September 15, and the American party at Fresno on September 28. The work of the Anti-Chinese consisted mainly of the adoption of a very long memorial to the president of the United States and congress, drawn by a committee of which Swift was chairman, on the subject of "relief for the Pacific coast from the Chinese evil," and of a series of resolutions1 drawn by a committee of which Horace Davis was chairman, against the presence of Chinese in California, disclaiming any unlawful proceedings, but at the same time recommending the "boycotting" or suspension of amicable dealings with any person who employed a Chinaman either directly or indirectly or purchased the product of Chinese labor. To this boycotting resolution, a number, including Aaron A. Sargent, John Bidwell, Frank M. Pixley, Francis G. Newlands and Marcus H. Hecht, strenuously objected. After discussion and a viva voce vote, which was announced to be in favor of the resolution, Sargent and others demanded a roll-call; and, upon this being refused on the ground that it came too late, Sargent and Bidwell withdrew from the convention. The Prohibitionists, as was to have been expected, adopted a platform against the "manufacture, sale and importation of all alcoholic beverages." Some went further and, among other things, wanted women suffrage. A clause to that effect, however, was rejected; and then the convention, as if 1 Davis' Political Conventions, 518-524.

sorry for what it had done, adopted a resolution that, notwithstanding such rejection, "the immediate and unconditional enfranchisement of women would tend to the highest interest of the whole people" and that, as individuals, they would use every lawful and proper means to secure an amendment to the constitution conferring upon women the right to vote. They nominated Joel Russell for governor. The Irrigationists, consisting of delegates from some fifty irrigation clubs, adopted a platform setting forth their propositions chiefly in the form of two proposed amendments to the constitution and a statute, designed to destroy riparian rights and secure all unappropriated water as public property and for the use of the people, and in effect declaring that they would support no one for office who was not in favor of their principles. They made no nominations. The Grangers expressed themselves in favor of electing United States. senators by a direct vote of the people; in favor of the free coinage of gold and silver; against national banks; in favor of government money which should be a legal tender for all debts; against government bonds; in favor of irrigation; against adulteration of foods, drinks and medicines; against the "Heath amendment;" against any increase of the standing army in time of peace or increase of appropriations for the state militia; against Chinese immigration; in favor of a reduction of fees and salaries of county officers, and in favor of placing women on an equality with men in official clerical employment. They nominated Joel Russell, the Prohibitionist candidate, for governor, Joshua V. Webster for lieutenant-governor and Jackson Temple and Jeremiah F. Sullivan for justices of the supreme court.'

The American party, which was in substance a rehabilitation of the old Know-Nothing party and reiterated its old doctrines, declared, among other things, that the naturalization laws of the United States ought to be unconditionally repealed; that no nonresident alien should be permitted to own real estate, and that the real estate possessions of resident aliens should be limited in value and area. It nominated a ticket at the head of which it placed John F. Swift, the Republican candidate, for governor. This ticket was published in the San Francisco Argonaut, a 1Davis' Political Conventions, 479-513, 524-526.

newspaper which had gained a reputation for literary ability, for its attacks upon Roman Catholics, and to some extent for being the advocate and organ of the American party. Its editor, Frank M. Pixley, was a warm personal friend of Swift; and it was in great part through his exertions that Swift was thus nominated. Instead, however, of accepting the nomination so thrown at his feet-which would undoubtedly have secured his election-Swift took occasion to at once write a letter to Pixley, not only declining and rejecting the "unsolicited and undesired honor" of a nomination from the American party, but also expressing himself as glad of the opportunity of giving his views upon the opinions advocated by the Argonaut. He then proceeded to say-and evidently in a tone and manner that indicated his letter was for publication—that he never, either in public or private, expressed or entertained any of the opinions of the Argonaut or the American party; that he never made or felt any distinction between men of the white race, citizens or not citizens, on account of their nationality or religion; that the policy of inviting European immigration was a wise one in its inception, and, even if of doubtful advantage, it was now highly unjust, and unwise because unjust, to agitate the matter over again after millions of good men and excellent citizens had accepted the invitation and acted upon it. He also took occasion to add that he thought Roman Catholics as loyal to republican institutions and to the United States as Protestant Christians or people of any other faith. Such being his sentiments, he took it for granted that the American party would not want him on their ticket; but, whether so or not, he desired his name taken off the American ticket and not again printed in that connection. Whatever Swift's purpose may have been in writing such a letter, it was certainly one of the most impolitic things he could have done; and great was the surprise of everybody when the letter was printed. The Republicans almost despaired; the Democrats exulted; the American party at once took down Swift's name and put in its place that of P. D. Wigginton; and it afterwards endorsed Waterman for lieutenant-governor, and McFarland, Paterson and Temple for justices of the supreme court. In the meanwhile, Charles C. O'Donnell, one of the old Workingmen's