military duty performed by the National Guard during the troubles in San Francisco, and another act appropriating twenty thousand dollars to be expended in the discretion of the governor for the conservation of the public peace. All this legislation, but particularly the new riot act and the new police act, were bitter pills to Kearney and his accomplices, and for a time made them very uncomfortable.

But in the meanwhile the sand-lots movement had begun to assume the phase of a new political party; and almost from the start, and for several subsequent years, it played an important part in the history of the state. On January 6, 1878, Nathan Porter, one of the state senators from Alameda county, died; and on January 22, at a special election held to fill the vacancy, John W. Bones, who had been nominated by the new Workingmen's party, was chosen by a large majority over William W. Crane, Republican, and Joseph B. Lamar, Democrat. Both the last-named candidates were able and popular men, well fitted for the position; while Bones had neither the necessary education, experience or training and was so eccentric, besides being somewhat tall and lean, that he was generally called "Barebones" and sometimes "Praise-God Barebones." The next election—which was also a special one to fill vacancies in the office of state senator and assemblyman-took place on February 19 in Santa Clara county and resulted in the choice of a so-called People's party senator and a Workingmen's assemblyman. In March, 1878, at the regular city elections in Sacramento and Oakland, the Workingmen's party succeeded in electing their candidates for mayor and several other offices. These results were a surprise to the community and especially to the politicians. It had become evident that there was a new party in the field, which could not be ignored; and it at once became a problem with the other parties how to capture the new factor or counterbalance its force.'

The new or Workingmen's party, thus started, held its first state convention in San Francisco, commencing January 21, 1878. It purported to be a party of labor and to embrace within its ranks everybody engaged in productive industry and the dis'Stats. 1877-8, 696, 879.

2 Davis' Political Conventions, 374-376,

tribution of its fruits. Each member was required, upon signing the roll, to publicly and solemnly pledge himself to sever all connection with the Republican and Democratic parties; to abide by the decision of the majority in all cases duly expressed, and to at all times aid in the selection of the most competent persons in the party for official position. Resolutions were adopted, prescribing an oath by which every member had to bind himself to oppose by all lawful means the introduction and maintenance of coolie laborers in the United States and not to employ or sell to or buy from them. Land was to be held for actual settlement and cultivation; individuals holding more than one square mile were to be restricted to the use of that amount only for cultivation and pasturage; all lands of equal value and productive nature to be subject to equal taxation; all import duties on raw materials not produced in the United States to be abolished; a system of finance to be adopted "consistent with the agricultural, manufacturing and mercantile industries and requirements of the country, uncontrolled by rings, brokers and bankers;" the pardoning power conferred on the president of the United States and the governors of the several states to be taken away and vested in commissions; malfeasance in public office to be punished by imprisonment in the state prison for life and not to be pardoned; the contract system in the state prisons and reformatory institutions to be abrogated, and goods manufactured there not to be sold at less than current market rates for the product of free labor; all labor on public works to be performed by the day at current rates of wages; eight hours to be a sufficient day's work and to be made so by law; all public officers to receive a fixed salary and account for fees as public moneys; the president, vice-president and senators of the United States to be elected by direct vote of the people; the common school system to be forever cherished and supported; a system of compulsory education to be provided; a special fund maintained to secure the attendance of such poor children as would otherwise be unable to attend; such education to be entirely secular, and in all public schools lectures instituted at stated intervals, whose primary aim should be to uphold the dignity of labor and mechanical vocations as paramount to all other walks of life.'

In view of the approaching election for delegates to the constitutional convention, which was to take place on June 19, 1878 -and in view also of the fact that the new party claimed all the political purity in the country, reviled the old parties and loudly proclaimed that it would have nothing to do with them or either of them-the Republican and Democratic state committees on April 24 met at the Palace Hotel, though in different rooms, with the object of effecting a fusion and nominating a joint ticket of non-partisan delegates. The Republicans adopted resolutions to carry out this purpose, and invited the Democrats to co-operate; but the Democrats, having no quorum at the time, postponed action. Subsequently the Democratic committee-apparently with a desire of ignoring the Republicans—adopted resolutions, not mentioning them or their action but recommending that in the approaching elections all past party issues should be discarded; that, for the purpose of selecting candidates, a nominating convention should be held at Sacramento on May 22 to nominate eight delegates from each of the four congressional districts to be voted for by the people of the state at large, and that the people of the several counties and senatorial districts should select their best men as local candidates. As soon as these resolutions were announced, the Republicans-considering themselves ill treated-adopted a new set of resolutions, setting forth the facts and recommending that the Republicans throughout the state should unite with their fellow-citizens in the selection of the ablest, fittest and best-known gentlemen as delegates and that meetings should be held in the different counties, senatorial and congressional districts for the purpose of nominating them. On May 4, in response rather to the latter than to the former resolutions, and in accordance with a plan which had been adopted by and proved eminently successful with the old People's party, an extensive petition was published in the San Francisco newspapers, requesting certain prominent citizens of San Francisco to nominate delegates for the first congressional district, then consisting of the city and county of San Francisco-to be voted for by the people of the state at large-and for the city and county of San Francisco, to be voted for by the people of the municipality. On May 10, accordingly, the persons so

named nominated a non-partisan ticket. And this plan was also adopted in each of the other congressional districts, and in many of the senatorial districts and counties.'

A misunderstanding, or quarrel rather, had meanwhile occurred in the Workingmen's state committee, which resulted on May 2 in the expulsion of Kearney from that organization, and on May 6 in his removal from the position of president of the party, on the charge of being corrupt and using the organization to advance his own selfish ends. Soon afterwards the presidents of the various ward clubs in San Francisco, which continued favorable to Kearney, resolved to stand by him; and the result was that there were two separate state nominating conventions of Workingmen called to meet in different halls in San Francisco on May 16. One of them, the so-called Kearney convention, met at Charter Oak Hall; the other, or anti-Kearney convention, at Tittel's Hall. The country delegates to the convention were for a time at a great loss to know which faction to join. Those from Alameda, Marin, Monterey, San Joaquin, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz and Sonoma counties, after a long deliberation and hearing speeches by John P. Dunn, William F. White, D. J. Oullahan, Joseph H. Budd and others, adopted a resolution to recognize Kearney as an organizer worthy to rank among the great organizers of history and worthy of the confidence and support of the people. Afterwards at a meeting of the country delegates present, consisting in all of thirty-seven, twenty joined the Kearney convention, of which Kearney was president; nine the antiKearney convention, of which Frank Roney was president; and eight decided to join neither of them. The Kearney convention nominated candidates for all the congressional districts; the Roney convention, which had but a slim attendance, only for the first district; while the old-line Republicans and Democrats, who refused to unite on the non-partisan tickets, each nominated a ticket for their own party."

The election took place, as prescribed by statute, on June 19, 1878, and resulted in the choice of seventy-eight non-partisans, including all the thirty-two delegates at large; fifty-one Working1 Davis' Political Conventions, 381-383. 2 Davis' Political Conventions, 383-390.

men, including thirty-one delegates from San Francisco; eleven Republicans; ten Democrats, and two Independents. Of the whole number, seventy-five had previously been Republicans, seventy Democrats and seven Independents; fifty-eight were lawyers, thirty-nine farmers, seventeen mechanics, nine merchants, five physicians, five miners, three journalists, and the rest of various occupations, including a school-teacher, a musicteacher, a telegraph-operator, a restaurant-keeper and a cook. Among them were some very able men; and a few were comparatively ignorant and stupid. Of those from the country, a number had some years before been more or less closely connected with the so-called Granger movement and still adhered to some of its radical views. On account of this fact, it became possible for a sort of combination to be formed, in reference to a number of important questions, between the Workingmen or sand-lotters and enough of the old Grangers to make up a majority; and the consequence was a quantity of novel and some very crude work.1

'Davis' Political Conventions, 390-392; Sacramento Record-Union, September 30, 1878.