Page images
PDF
EPUB

transactions, rapidly fell away and became almost paralyzed. It was said that there were, at the beginning of 1875, a hundred millionaires in California, many of them worth over five millions of dollars each; but that in 1877 half the number ceased to be millionaires at all, and many were reduced to bankruptcy. Within a couple of years, according to estimation, there had been a shrinkage of nearly a hundred and fifty millions of dollars in the market value of a couple of the leading mines alone, nearly all of which were owned in San Francisco-by which shrinkage everybody was directly or indirectly more or less affected; and the condition of the laboring classes and poor people, who were thrown out of work and could not find employment in the distress of capital, became fearfully grave.'

In July, 1877, when news came of great labor, socialistic and railroad riots in the eastern states and particularly at Philadelphia, Pittsburg and Baltimore, there was a prompt response in San Francisco. For various reasons and especially on account of recent demagogic proceedings against the Chinese in the legislature, the riotous movement at first took the same direction. On July 23, a Chinese laundry was burned; several others were sacked; and the rioters, emboldened by success, became defiant and threatened to drive out the Asiatics-and with fire if necessary. The police force, consisting at that time of about one hundred and fifty members, was insufficient of itself to stem the mob; and it was very evident, as most of the houses of San Francisco were wooden and there were some three hundred Chinese laundries scattered amongst them, that, if the mob should get control or attempted to carry out their threats, the city would suffer great damage and run the risk of being entirely destroyed. To meet the difficulty, a public meeting of citizens was called on the afternoon of July 24; and the result was the determination to form a protective association under the presidency and control of William T. Coleman, the same person who had been president of the famous vigilance committee of 1856. Coleman immediately took hold and, with characteristic promptitude and ability, soon laid out a plan for the collection of the requisite funds and the organization of a strong force of citizen volunteers, to be Hittell's San Francisco, 422-424.

known as the Committee of Safety. It was to be a sort of new vigilance committee, composed of people of much the same kind as those of 1856, good, sober, intelligent, well-intentioned and courageous men, imbued and actuated with the same old spirit but acting under different conditions. In 1856 the state and city government were both in weak, if not corrupt, hands, with little or no ability and apparently not a great deal of desire to carry out the purposes of government; and the vigilance committee was obliged, for the purpose of accomplishing anything of value to the community, to set up in opposition to the incumbent officials and the law as it was administered. But in 1877 the

state and city had for twenty years been comparatively well managed and the law comparatively well administered; and there was therefore no good reason for any organization except in strict accordance with law and in subordination and aid of the constituted authorities.

Members of the new organization flocked to be enrolled in large numbers. A finance committee solicited money and in a few days collected more than was needed, amounting in all to about seventy-five thousand dollars. Another committee was sent to the various gun shops of the city to gather up arms and ammunition. At the same time, Coleman sent to General McDowell, then commanding the United States forces on the Pacific with his head-quarters at Black Point, asking for the use in case of need of three thousand stand of arms with equipments and munitions. Upon McDowell's replying that he could do nothing without orders from the United States secretary of war at Washington, application was made, through United States Senator Sargent, to that official; and orders came back at once instructing McDowell to cause to be issued by the proper officer at the Benicia armory supplies of whatever kind the committee of safety might require. A requisition being regularly made, seventeen hundred and sixty rifles and five hundred carbines with ammunition and accouterments were shipped to Coleman and afterwards, to some extent at least, used in arming volunteer troops. Coleman also telegraphed to Sacramento for Governor Irwin, who immediately took passage for San Francisco and, after a short consultation, wired to President Hayes, requesting

him to direct the United States vessels at Mare Island to take position in the harbor in front of the city and co-operate in quelling disturbances in case of necessity. To this also there was an immediate affirmative answer; and, as a result, the United States vessels Pensacola, Admiral Murray, the Lackawanna, Commodore Calhoun, and the tug Monterey, with Gatling-guns and other arms, anchored within convenient distance off the city wharves. Thus, within twenty-four hours after the first meeting of the committee of safety, the United States secretary of war had amply supplied it with arms and munitions and, within twentyfour hours afterwards, the United States secretary of the navy had furnished it with ships of war, fully manned and ready for active operations.

On the morning of Wednesday, July 25, Coleman established his head-quarters in a large building on Stockton near Post street, known as Horticultural Hall; and there the work of enrollment, organization and discipline went on. Though firearms had been provided and a few companies were furnished with them, he considered it prudent to dispense with their use as far as possible; and, with that object in view, he gave orders for the purchase of six thousand hickory pick-handles, to be used as clubs. He then directed the enrolled volunteers to form into companies of one hundred members; each to choose its own officers, subject to approval and confirmation, and at once to commence drilling; and before night a large and effective force was provided and sent out in detachments for active service as assistants to and under the direct orders of the chief of police. This new force, on account of the weapons it carried, was known and became celebrated as the "pick-handle brigade." That first night, there were about fifteen hundred men of them on actual and important duty; but the total, available force amounted to about five and a half thousand members, who could have been rallied and brought together in an hour or so at the sound of a concerted and well-understood general alarm. As a part of them, there were about three hundred cavalry, who patrolled in the manufacturing districts and outskirts of the city, and a few crews of special police on board vessels along the water front. ill-disposed, violent and criminal classes were numerous and

The

desperate and made several riotous demonstrations; but, on every occasion, the committee of safety was on hand and quelled them. Perhaps the greatest danger was from incendiarism, and it required great care and circumspection to guard against it; but there was also danger of the precipitation of bloodshed by almost any kind of hasty or ill-advised action.

On the night of the same July 25, after a day of excitement and disturbance and several encounters, the rioters determined to make an attack upon the Pacific Mail Steamship Company's docks and steamers near the foot of Brannan street, where the Chinese immigrants were landed and which were therefore regarded as choice subjects of spoil. Many threats had been made to destroy this property before. On this occasion, great crowds congregated in the neighborhood and fire was set to several near-by lumber yards. The disorderly elements were out in large force and attempted to interfere with the firemen, who were soon on the ground with their engines; but at the same time with the firemen came many policemen and large numbers of the pick-handle brigade, who at once began to disperse the crowds. There was a general fight for a couple of hours; in the melée a number of shots were fired and many stones thrown; a few men were killed, and a number wounded. The chief object of the committee of safety and police was not to kill or maim but to disperse the rioters and drive them off; and in this they finally succeeded. By midnight, the city was again quiet and the disturbers of the peace, on account of their defeat and the immense and effective force which they saw arrayed against them, entirely discomfited, demoralized and cowed down. That night's combat and its results effectually broke the backbone of the riotous movement; and within a day or two afterwards the committee of safety, like the old vigilance committee of 1856, quietly sunk out of sight. It did not disband; it continued ready to respond, if again needed or called upon; but the work it had specially undertaken was finished and well done. On Saturday, July 28, Governor Irwin telegraphed to the United States secretary of the navy the thanks of the state and city for the presence of the war vessels, stating that all danger had practically passed and there was no further need of

them. They were therefore ordered back to Mare Island; but before they went, the United States marines and sailors asked the privilege of a parade in the city, which was accorded them; and that was the only public parade or exhibition, except in the way of actual service, in any way connected with the committee of safety. Thanks were also forwarded to the United States secretary of war for the arms loaned, all of which were accounted for and returned with the exception of one single pistol that could not be found.1

Discontent among the laboring classes and particularly those who had been thrown out of employment by the "hard times" still continued. A restless feeling prevailed amongst them. In their great need and greater dissatisfaction they hardly knew which way to turn, and only wanted a bold leader to turn in almost any direction. There was therefore a magnificent opening for a demagogue. And a demagogue of considerable boldness and force, and for a while of extraordinary success, soon appeared. This was Dennis Kearney, an Irish drayman, born in County Cork, about thirty years of age, who arrived in California in 1868 and was naturalized in 1876. In person he was short and stout, what is called thick-set, of coarse features, restless dark eyes, cropped black hair that stood up, quick motions and loud, penetrating voice. He was not a scholar; but he had picked up considerable information from newspapers and political pamphlets, and some practice in speaking at clubs and labor unions, where he would work himself up into a white heat declaiming against capital, monopoly and Chinese immigration. It was said that, on one occasion, he appeared, as a representative of a tradesmen's society, before United States Senator Sargent and urged upon him certain action; that Sargent declined and gave his reasons, which did not strike Kearney as convincing; that he retired, stating he did not see why he could not become as great a man as Sargent, and that he thereupon set to work with a determination to become even greater. However this may have been, he at once threw himself, as it were, into the so-called Workingmen's movement, which had already started, and soon took a prominent

'William T. Coleman's" Address to the Citizens of San Francisco," August 11, 1877; San Francisco newspapers of the period.

« PreviousContinue »