could not aid them; and on December 29, after suffering a heavy loss, they were obliged to return to Memphis, leaving Vicksburg still in the hands of the enemy and at that point blocking the navigation of the river. On the Atlantic coast, during the year 1862, and particularly after the destruction of the Merrimac by the Monitor, a number of southern ports were taken; and by the end of the year the "paper blockade," which had at first excited so much southern amusement, was very generally enforced. At the beginning of the war, General Scott, though too old to take much active part, had planned a series of military and naval operations by which the rebellion was to be hemmed in and gradually crushed by tightening the folds of what he called his "anaconda." And by the end of 1862 the process of constriction, though it was interrupted in several quarters and required several years to finish, may be said to have seriously commenced.

As may well be imagined, all these warlike measures cost immense sums of money. To keep up and supply its armies the south absolutely impoverished itself. Nor could the north conduct its tremendous operations without fearful expenditures. Congress at the commencement of hostilities had borrowed large sums of money; and it continued to borrow as new demands arose. At its session in the summer of 1861 and at its sessions in 1862 it did little or nothing except occupy itself with measures connected, either directly or indirectly, with the prosecution of the war. Gold, being the chief standard throughout the civilized world, rose in value and could not be obtained for mere promises to pay except at a premium. By the end of 1861 the banks everywhere suspended specie payments and their notes became nearly worthless. Under these circumstances, congress, for the purpose of providing a currency, on February 25, 1862, passed a bill for the issue of United States treasury notes and by the same act declared them a legal tender for all dues except duties on imports and interest on the public debt. These notes, on account of the green ink with which they were printed, were known popularly by the name of "greenbacks" and for many years played a large part in the financial history of the country. On February 25, 1863, congress in further prosecution of its efforts

to provide a currency passed an act for the establishment of what were known as national banks, which act provided for the purchase and deposit in the United States treasury at Washington of United States government bonds, upon the faith of which the respective national banks were authorized to issue bank-notes to the amount of ninety per cent of the deposits. These notes, being thus secured, became current throughout the country and drove the old notes of private banks out of circulation. This system, and particularly as improved by a subsequent act of June 3, 1864, was eminently successful.

At the session of 1862, in addition to the legislation already referred to, congress passed several other very important acts. Though everybody felt and knew at the commencement of the war that it had been brought on by slavery, no one, and least of all the government, had any intention or idea of interfering with slavery in the southern states. But as the conflict progressed, particularly in view of the violence of the south, the abolition sentiment spread with extraordinary rapidity in the north. It was clearly seen by the most intelligent classes that the Union could not only not be restored but that its continuance could in no manner be secured without the destruction of slavery. One of the first congressional measures called out by popular feeling on the subject, and the significant precursor of what followed, was an act, passed April 16, 1862, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. It provided compensation for the liberated slaves of loyal citizens and temporary support of the freedmen. The next congressional act was passed July 17, 1862, and provided for the freeing of the slaves of persons engaged in rebellion against the United States or giving aid or comfort thereto. It also provided for the seizure and confiscation of the property of all rebels and expressly prohibited the surrender or giving up of any slave of a rebel master escaping into or taking refuge within any other state or within the lines of the Union army. This was followed on September 22, 1862, with a proclamation by Lincoln that all persons held as slaves in any state or designated part of a state, which should be in rebellion against the United States on January 1, 1863, should then, thenceforth and forever be free, and that the government of the United States, including the

21 VOL. IV.

military and naval authority thereof, would recognize and maintain such freedom. And accordingly on January 1, 1863, Lincoln issued his famous emancipation proclamation designating the states and parts of states in rebellion; and he thereby in substance forever destroyed slavery.

The emancipation proclamation, which was in effect a sort of second declaration of independence, was not, any more than its prototype, a legal instrument. Lincoln had no constitutional authority to issue it. He hesitated a long time before he made up his mind to do so. In the latter part of 1861, General Fremont, while in command in Missouri, had assumed to issue a proclamation, declaring the slaves of Missouri rebels freemen; but this was at once countermanded by Lincoln, and Fremont was superseded in his command. About the same time Simon Cameron, as United States secretary of war, advocated the arming and as a necessary consequence thereof the emancipation of slaves who had escaped and taken refuge in the north; but Lincoln was unwilling to sustain him, and Cameron withdrew from the cabinet and consented to accept the position of minister to Russia. Several other moves in the same direction were made; but Lincoln held back until he felt that public opinion demanded his action; and the result was his proclamation, which, in addition to its extraordinarily beneficial moral effect throughout the United States and the rest of the civilized world, proved as a war measure of unexpectedly far-reaching consequence. One of the great dangers of the north was, as has been stated, that the Confederacy would be recognized and aided by Great Britain and France. The proclamation, however, suddenly put an end to any chance of that kind, for the reason that its effect was to convert the war at once into an avowed war against slavery. The attitude of Great Britain and its people towards slavery made it impossible for the British cabinet to interfere in such a struggle in favor of the slave power; and Louis Napoleon dared not recognize the south without the concurrence of Great Britain. The proclamation, it is true, did not close the civil war; and the Confederates still kept up the fight with wonderful energy and skill. But, almost from the moment that the proclamation was, so to speak, forced out of the administration by public sentiment, the

character of the struggle changed. It was from that time morally impossible for the south to permanently win, and it became certain that, whatever might be the issue of a battle or a campaign and however long the conflict might be kept up, slavery was doomed and would eventually have to fall.

In the great struggle, involving the existence of the nation, which has thus been described up to what may be called its culminating point, the part played by California, though not at first very prominent, was exceedingly important. The promptness and spontaneity with which on May 17, 1861, upon the receipt of news of the firing upon Sumter, it declared the devotion of its people and their fidelity and fealty to the constitution and Union, and the unmistakable heartiness and earnestness with which it announced its readiness to maintain the rights and honor of the national government at home and abroad and to at all times respond to any requisition that might be made upon it to defend the republic against foreign or domestic foes, had a powerful effect for good upon the whole country. Nothing could have been more opportune or more effective. The furthest off of all the states, it spoke in language the most unhesitating and most positive and determined. And it meant exactly what it said. Though remote from the active scenes of the conflict and for that reason not called upon to furnish troops for immediate service against rebel soldiers in the field; yet, before the war was over, it was requested to raise several regiments and battalions aggregating more than sixteen thousand men, and no state responded with more alacrity. These consisted of two full regiments of cavalry, eight full regiments of infantry, one battalion of Native Californian cavalry and one battalion of infantry called Mountaineers, besides eight companies enlisted as a part of what was known as the First regiment of Washington territory infantry volunteers. In addition to these, which rendered almost inestimable service in keeping down unruly Indians and driving rebel guerrillas and vagabonds out of the states and territories west of the Rocky mountains and "never knew defeat," a number of Californians, about five hundred in all, whose ardor would not allow them to remain in the west, enlisted within the borders of the state for active service, became a part of the quota of the

state of Massachusetts and took honorable part in many of the great battles of the war.'

The first call for troops from California was issued by Secretary of War Cameron to Governor Downey on April 24, 1861, and asked for one regiment of infantry and five companies of cavalry. The next was August 14, 1861, for four regiments of infantry and one regiment of cavalry. Both came by telegraph and pony express. These troops were to be placed at the disposal of General Sumner, then in command for the United States of the department of the Pacific. The calls being promptly responded to by Downey, the men were at once raised and mustered in, consisting under the first call of the First California infantry volunteers and the first battalion of the First California cavalry volunteers and, under the second call, of the Second California cavalry volunteers and the Second, Third, Fourth and Fifth California infantry volunteers. Subsequently in 1863, seven more companies of cavalry were raised, completing the full First California cavalry, and six companies constituting the first battalion of California Mountaineers; and in 1863 and 1864 the first battalion of Native Californian cavalry, and in 1863, 1864 and 1865 three other regiments known as the Sixth, Seventh and Eighth California infantry volunteers. The express object for which the first call was made in July, 1861, was to guard the overland mail route from Carson valley to Salt Lake and Fort Laramie. But it was soon afterwards found that the Confederates contemplated seizing and securing New Mexico and Arizona and, if possible, gaining a foothold in California; and a large force of them in fact advanced through Texas, captured New Mexico and penetrated Arizona nearly to the Colorado river. It was further ascertained that they proposed, after securing New Mexico and Arizona, to seize and hold a large part of Mexico, particularly Chihuahua, Sonora and Lower California. It was in view of these movements that the second call for troops was made; and two days afterwards General Sumner was ordered by General Scott to lead them on an expedition into Texas by the way of Mazatlan and through the northern states of Mexico with the

1 Record of California Men in the War of the Rebellion, by Richard H. Orton, Sacramento, 1890, 5-12.