estimated at nearly eleven and a half million dollars, and in favor of a Pacific railroad and regular oceanic steam communication with Asia and the Indies.1 Somewhat later Bigler presented a special message expressing his opinion that the Leidesdorff estate, which was supposed to be worth a million and a half of dollars, had escheated and he recommended proceedings for its recovery. But the main subject of his thought and solicitude continued to be the water-front extension scheme, which was not only to wipe out all the debt, into which three years of recklessness and extravagance had plunged the state, but also probably to furnish means for further prodigality. Finding that the project, on account of repeated and powerful remonstrances on the part of the citizens of San Francisco, did not look as promising as he had represented, he transmitted a special message on the subject and again persistently urged its adoption. But though an extension bill passed the assembly, it failed in the senate; and the governor was thus prevented from seeing the "mighty change in the condition of California" which he had predicted and which, had it been fulfilled, might possibly have astonished him as much as King Croesus was amazed at the destruction of the great kingdom, predicted by the famous oracle of Delphi.

The failure of the extension scheme and several other measures, which he had recommended, and the passage on the other hand of several appropriations which he did not favor, roused the governor's ire; and he took occasion at the end of the session of the legislature to express himself in a style very unusual with governors. When informed on Monday, May 15, 1854, that the legislature was ready to adjourn and asked whether he had any further communication to make, he answered that in response he could not refrain from expressing sincere regret that all the most important measures required by the people had been defeated either by a direct vote or by delay in acting upon them. "The bill providing for the extension of the water

3

1 Senate Journal, 1854, 18–36.

2 Senate Journal, 1854, 328, 329, 564.

Senate Journal, 1854, 526, 566, 604; Assembly Journal, 1854, 513, 563. Assembly Journal, 1854, 468, 583.

front of the city of San Francisco," he proceeded to say, "passed the assembly but was defeated in the senate by an adjournment of that body, on Friday last, before it could be received and read a first time. This important measure, if it had received your sanction, would in a comparatively short period of time have secured the payment of the entire state debt and relieved the people from the burden of taxation, in which they have heretofore acquiesced patiently believing that the present legislature would provide for their relief by the appropriation of those ample means so entirely within their reach." In the same manner he complained that a bill providing for the selection of the remainder of the school, seminary and other public lands belonging to the state had met with determined opposition and been finally defeated. So also with a bill for the protection of squatters, which had passed the assembly but failed in the He scolded the houses for not passing a bill to compel auctioneers to pay "state duties;" for failing to secure the Leidesdorff millions; for giving no attention to the necessity of amending corporation laws; for not carrying into effect his recommendations to amend the state constitution; for taking no action about the "civil fund" and the assumption by the general government of the war debt; for saying nothing against creating Indian reservations within the borders of California, and for doing nothing against Chinese immigration. And in conclusion, in addition to his other fault-finding, he reminded them that he had vetoed over five hundred thousand dollars of their thirteen hundred thousand dollars of appropriations.'

senate.

But in the same proportion that Bigler lacked dignity and strength of character, David C. Broderick, the man who made him governor, possessed those qualities. This remarkable man, who was more the governor than the governor himself and one of the strongest men of the country, was born of Irish parentage in the District of Columbia on February 4, 1820. His father was a stone-cutter and worked on the massive marble columns, which support and adorn the eastern front of the capitol at Washington. While yet a child he was taken to New York city, where at the age of fourteen years he lost his father. 1Senate Journal, 1854, 642-644; Assembly Journal, 1854, 643, 644.

About that time he bound himself out to learn the stone-cutting trade and served a full term of apprenticeship, at the same time assisting in part at least to support his mother and a younger brother. Being hardy, adventurous and enterprising he drifted into the New York volunteer fire department, then an exceedingly prominent organization, and soon became famous as one of the most fearless firemen on duty and one of the most courageous and effective fighters in the fisticuff conflicts which in those days frequently took place between the rival fire companies of the metropolis. Under the circumstances he naturally became foreman of his company, Howard No. 34, and began to take interest in politics, with which the whole organization was more or less intimately concerned. About the same time, and apparently with the object of widening his influence, he opened a drinking saloon that was called at one location "The Subterranean" and at another "The Republican" and became a sort of rendezvous for firemen and ward politicians, among whom were some very rough characters.'

Broderick, though a saloon-keeper and under the necessity sometimes of taking a glass of liquor, was not an intemperate man. He never became intoxicated. He was reliable and, so far as his professions went, could always be depended on. His associations and situation made him a Democrat and a member of that faction of the Democratic party, which, on account of the use of loco-foco matches in a suddenly darkened room in Tammany Hall in 1840, was given the name of "Locofocos." His first prominent appearance in national politics was when President John Tyler had been repudiated by the Whigs and a movement was made to take him over into the Democratic camp, in which project Broderick occupied a front place. It was, perhaps, a low business; but one consequence was that Broderick obtained a lucrative position in the New York custom-house and became enabled to secure other appointments for chosen friends. Meanwhile he devoted much time to reading. and study, generally following the instructions and recommendations as to his course of study of George Wilkes and Townsend R. Harris.2

1 Broderick and Gwin, by James O'Meara, 1–5. 2O'Meara's Broderick and Gwin, 5-11.

In 1842 he lost his mother; and in 1844 his brother was killed by the bursting of a bomb-shell, which he and others were carelessly handling, supposing it to be uncharged. These events, which left him alone in the world, produced a depressing effect and rendered him even more serious than before. But by degrees he recovered his spirits and plunged into politics with renewed vigor. It became his mission, as he understood it, to fight against what was known as the aristocratic element of the Democratic party, represented by the so-called "Albany regency" in New York state and the "old men's general committee" of Tammany Hall in New York city. And he succeeded well in his efforts to push the young Democracy forward. In 1844, in his work for the election of James K. Polk as president of the United States and a Democratic mayor of New York city, he did efficient service which entitled him to recognition; but a year or two afterwards, in a candidacy of his own as a representative to the United States congress, though in a Democratic district, he was almost shamefully defeated. Not only the Whigs ran a popular opponent against him; but the aristocratic Democrats, for the purpose of rendering his chances as small as possible, put up a Democratic rival of their own faction. Broderick was enraged. Though he still held his place in the custom-house, he was disgusted; and he and his friends meditated vengeance. But the opportunity, for which he waited, did not speedily present itself. In the spring of 1849, when the gold fever broke out in the eastern states, he determined to make a way for himself in the newly developing world of California, where there were not the same aristocratic prejudices to be encountered; and as he shook the dust of New York from his feet he is said to have resolved and declared that he would never return to it until he could do so as a United States senator.'

Broderick arrived at San Francisco by the Panama route on June 13, 1849. He was then in ill health and nearly penniless. Soon after his landing, at the suggestion of Colonel Jonathan D. Stevenson, whom he had known in New York and who loaned him a few thousand dollars, he in company with Frederick D. Kohler, also one of his New York friends and a worker in the 'O'Meara's Broderick and Gwin, 12-21.

precious metals by occupation, started the business of manufacturing private coins in the name of "Moffat & Co.," as has already been stated. The demand for these coins in the early days was so great that there was practically little or no limit to it; and no one stopped to inquire or cared much about their real value. Kohler did the assaying and Broderick the hard work. Their business was confined to five dollar and ten dollar pieces, worth however only four and eight dollars respectively. Of these they coined immense quantities from gold-dust purchased at fourteen dollars per ounce; and, as may well be imagined, their profits were enormous. Broderick's share was the foundation of a fortune, which by economy and judicious investments in San Francisco real estate became very large. In December, 1849, they sold out to Baldwin & Co., who continued the business; but by that time it had become much less remunerative than before. Broderick in the meanwhile had apparently been too much engrossed with manual labor to pay much attention to politics. But on Christmas, 1849, the day after the first great fire in San Francisco, he and a few others took steps towards establishing a volunteer fire department on the model of that of New York; and he became the foreman of one of the first companies formed, afterwards known as Empire No. 1 and subsequently in his honor as Broderick No. 1.2 His taking this active and prominent part in the fire department indicated that he was ready to enter into public political life again; and it was but a few days before an opportunity presented. Nathaniel Bennett, one of the two state senators representing San Francisco, almost immediately after the opening of the legislature in December, 1849, resigned his office, having been chosen a justice of the state supreme court. Broderick was nominated to succeed Bennett as senator; and at the election, which took place on January 8, 1850, he was elected, so far at least as the returns indicated, by an overwhelming majority. He took his seat as state senator on January 24, 1850; and from that time forward until his death in 1859 he was by far the ablest and most conspicuous figure in political life in the state.3

1 O'Meara's Broderick and Gwin, 22, 23.

2 Annals of San Francisco, 616, 619.

O'Meara's Broderick and Gwin, 23, 24.