hundred and sixty, the Secretary of War asked for an appropriation of about three hundred and sixty millions of dollars to sustain for a year a force of five hundred thousand men, which is at the rate of seven hundred and twenty dollars for each man.* I believe that the latter rate is too low, and that I have under-estimated the number that the subjugation policy will require; but taking my estimate of numbers, and the lowest estimate of expense per man, as a basis of a calculation, the cost of the army will reach the appalling sum of two hundred and sixteen millions of dollars per annum. When to this we.add the expenses of the civil establishment, the interest upon the debt, and the expenses of the navy, which must be kept up to a considerable proportion of its present size, the mind becomes overwhelmed

* According to the budget of 1862-3, it costs the British nation £15,139,379 to maintain an army of 145,450 men, or in round numbers $520 per man. But nearly every item of the expense of the British army is much smaller than the corresponding item in our service. An English infantry soldier gets 13 pence per diem, from which there is an abatement for rations of about 8 pence, leaving him for his daily pay 4 pence, or $2 70 per month. The monthly pay of an American infantry soldier is $13 besides. his rations, which are estimated at 30 cents per diem against 17 for the Englishman. A corresponding difference against us exists in every branch of the service, and also, but to a less degree, in the expense of clothing, arms, ammunition, and supplies of all kinds. Upon the whole, I doubt if the army costs the Government less than $1,000 for each enlisted man.

in attempting to devise any plan by which our commerce and industry can exist under such frightful loads. And in what a condition will the nation be to carry on a foreign war, already burdened with such an enormous annual expenditure, and with a rebellious population in its midst, whose repression taxes its utmost energies in time of peace? The theorizer who believes that we can safely consult only our own interests or the gratification of our own passions in dealing with the southern people after their subjection, overlooks that law of retribution by which foreign nations avenge the injuries which sovereigns inflict upon their own subjects. The more completely a conquered people is crushed, the more eagerly do they turn their eyes in hope, and stretch out their arms in supplication to some rival or hereditary enemy of their oppressor. Are we prepared to create in our midst a people which will look for the display of the "meteor flag" upon their coasts and in their country, with the same feelings with which Irishmen for more than one hundred years longed to see the white flag of the Bourbons and the tri-color of Napoleon

And again, whence is to come the vast army which is to keep our brethren in chains? Does anybody believe that it can be kept up by voluntary enlistments? Is the population of the North to be subjected to a perpetual conscription to maintain it? Can we permanently spare such a force

of laborers from our country at any time-especially at the close of a war, which has made such huge gaps in the laboring population, and when the productive capacity of the nation will be strained to its utmost tension to raise the means to pay the interest on our enormous debt?

To many persons the problem of a supply of men for the army will appear to admit of an easy solution; they will tell us to fill up the ranks with negroes. But such a remedy would but aggravate the disease. The employment of negro soldiers to keep the white men of the South in subjection, would add immeasurably to the difficulty of doing that, which under any circumstances presents difficulties apparently insurmountable. Should such a policy be adopted, the number of those in the "reconstructed" States who would take, or having taken, would keep the President's oath, would be too small to affect appreciably a calculation based upon the active hostility of the whole population.

It would intensify beyond calculation throughout the whole South the fierceness of the smothered passions, and it would add a large population in Missouri, Tennessee and Kentucky to the number of those who must be kept down by forcible repression. Nor would the white men of the North submit to be overawed by a negro army. No plan could be devised better calculated to strengthen the opposition and reduce the administration party to a

shadow, than that of carrying out the repressive policy by means of an army of blacks. The statesman who shall attempt it will need a force sufficiently large to establish at once a naked despotism over the whole nation.

But I forbear to pursue the subject further. There are two other grave questions involved in the policy of subjugation, the discussion of which I will waive. They are of what use to us will be the impoverished and ruined country acquired and retained by such prodigious sacrifices? And its kindred question-will the freed negro work? Under any possible solution of those two problems, as a mere matter of profit and loss, balancing the expense of forcibly retaining the South in the Union, against the expansion of commerce, the increase of revenues, the military strength, or any other elements of national greatness which we fancy will result to us from so doing-the speculation will be the most disastrous that any nation ever undertook.

But considerations much graver than those of revenue and expenditure are also involved in the issue, to which I will now ask the reader's attention.

CHAPTER XI.

Consideration of the Policy of Subjugation, under Mr. Sumner's Plan or the President's Plan, with reference to its effects upon Popular Institutions at the North-The Constitutional Restrictions upon the General Government were framed for the purpose of preventing the Downfall of Public Liberty-The tendency of the Government to disregard them-The Barriers erected to check that tendency-The Independence of the States was one of those Barriers-The effect of the proposed "Reconstruction " will be to destroy it-The Independence of the Legislature and Judiciary constitutes another Barrier-It was secured by the Dependence of the President upon them and of the Legislature upon the People-It was further secured by the President's Personal Responsibility-The Provisions to protect the Liberties of the individual Citizen added to give it greater Strength-Consideration of the Doctrine that the Provisions protecting Personal Liberty are not applicable to a time of. Civil Commotion-Its effect in destroying the Responsibility of the President and of the Legislature to the People-Its effect in destroying the Independence of the Legislature and Judiciary, and rendering the Pesident independent of both-The President's Plan is even more dangerous than Mr. Sumner's-The policy of Subjugation under either Plan frees the Executive from Control or Responsibility, and leaves the Liberties of the People at his mercy-Effect of the vast Increase of the Annual Expenses of the Government which it involves, in disposing the Wealthy Classes to the Abolition of Popular Government-The presence of a large Standing Army will destroy the Popular Appreciation of the existing Form of Government.

ON the sixteenth of December, 1861, Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, in the course of a debate