Reassessing the Presidency: The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of FreedomJohn V. Denson |
From inside the book
Results 1-5 of 86
Page 2
... percent of the national output throughout history . It is reasonable to assume that government's share of total output will grow with activist presidents , and that it will fall with See Harry S. Truman , Memoirs By Harry S. Truman ...
... percent of the national output throughout history . It is reasonable to assume that government's share of total output will grow with activist presidents , and that it will fall with See Harry S. Truman , Memoirs By Harry S. Truman ...
Page 3
... percent of GNP or GDP does not fully capture the impact of this mandate on our lives . Despite these caveats ( and others not mentioned ) , govern- ment spending as a percent of total output is probably a rea- sonably good proxy for ...
... percent of GNP or GDP does not fully capture the impact of this mandate on our lives . Despite these caveats ( and others not mentioned ) , govern- ment spending as a percent of total output is probably a rea- sonably good proxy for ...
Page 4
... percent of the nation's total output , compared with 20.44 percent in 1976 , the year before he assumed office . Sub- tracting the latter figure from the former , we conclude that the federal government absorbed 0.78 percent more of the ...
... percent of the nation's total output , compared with 20.44 percent in 1976 , the year before he assumed office . Sub- tracting the latter figure from the former , we conclude that the federal government absorbed 0.78 percent more of the ...
Page 5
... PERCENT OF TOTAL OUTPUT , 1792–1997 such a criterion , ignoring any other factor that might be used to evaluate the president . We also indicate what the ranking of the presidents was using the broadest of the conventional presiden ...
... PERCENT OF TOTAL OUTPUT , 1792–1997 such a criterion , ignoring any other factor that might be used to evaluate the president . We also indicate what the ranking of the presidents was using the broadest of the conventional presiden ...
Page 6
... . W.H. Harrison 36. Fillmore 36. Harding 37. Pierce 38. Lincoln 39. F. Roosevelt 38. Grant 39. A. Johnson 40. Buchanan 41. Harding Percent Change in the Federal Government's Share of GDP Regression 6 REASSESSING THE PRESIDENCY.
... . W.H. Harrison 36. Fillmore 36. Harding 37. Pierce 38. Lincoln 39. F. Roosevelt 38. Grant 39. A. Johnson 40. Buchanan 41. Harding Percent Change in the Federal Government's Share of GDP Regression 6 REASSESSING THE PRESIDENCY.
Other editions - View all
Common terms and phrases
Adams administration amendment Andrew Jackson antitrust attack authority bank believed British Buren central century Churchill Civil classical liberalism Clinton Confederate Congress Constitution declared democracy Democratic economic economic fascism economists election electoral embargo empire ernment executive federal government Federalist force foreign policy Fort Sumter Franklin Franklin Roosevelt Germany historians History House ibid imperial Imperial Presidency increase industry inflation issue Jackson Japan Japanese Jefferson John Johnson Kennedy leaders legislation liberty Lincoln Madison major Martin Van Buren McKinley ment military monetary Murray N Navy Northern party peace Pearl Harbor percent Philippines political presidential protect Republican revolution Rothbard secession Secretary Senate South Southern Soviet spending Stalin Sumter Taft tariff Theodore Roosevelt tion trade treaty Truman U.S. Senate U.S. Supreme Court Union United University Press vote Washington Whig William Wilson World World War II York
Popular passages
Page 457 - Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Page 65 - That the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress.
Page 242 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.
Page 456 - Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be CONSTANTLY awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.
Page 736 - ... exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
Page 236 - Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right — a right which, we hope and believe, is to liberate the world.
Page 278 - The provision of the Constitution giving the warmaking power to Congress was dictated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object. This our convention understood to be the most oppressive of all kingly oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the Constitution that no one man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us.
Page 43 - If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected...
Page 723 - to raise and support Armies" and "to provide and maintain a Navy.
Page 57 - I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory would endanger its union. But who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions ; and in any view, is it not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children, than by strangers of another family?