the United States; but that it would be necessary immediately to provide means of protection to the inhabitants in their vicinity; and that provision should be made for maintaining a diplomatic intercourse with foreign nations, for the honor and peace of the United States. He also suggested the importance of a uniform rule of naturalization; and of uniformity in the currency, and of weights and measures, through the United States. The facility of intercourse between distant parts of the country, by means of Post Offices, and Post Roads, and the encouragement of useful inventions and of science, were likewise urged upon the attention of Congress.* The answer to the speech of the President, both of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, expressed sentiments of entire approbation of his official acts, and of the plans and objects of a political nature, which he recommended. And the subjects suggested in the address, received the immediate attention of the national legislature, and were referred to committees for consideration. The report of the Secretary was also referred to committees, and a strong desire manifested to consider his suggestions for modifying the revenue law, which was passed at the first session; and for rendering it more productive and more equable in its operation.

A report was early made respecting the Indian tribes in the United States; and on this occasion the House of Representatives sat with closed doors; which was the occasion of some complaint; as if Congress proposed and were maturing some improper measures. But it soon died away, from the confident belief that the members were so wise and patriotic, as to guaranty the propriety and rectitude of their plans. It was thought proper to prepare an armed force for the safety of the inhabitants then settled and settling on the Ohio river, in such manner as to give as little alarm as possible to the Indian tribes. Major-general

appeared in a threatening and hostile attitude, he promptly prepared to check their inroads into our territory, by arms. At this period, there was reason to believe, that several tribes were instigated to commit depredations on people within the United States, by the British in Canada; who then still held possession of some forts in the west, ceded to the United States by the treaty of peace, in 1783. It cannot, perhaps, be justly denied, that in some cases, the savages had reason to complain of encroachments and unjust treatment, on the part of the citizens of the United States; and were provoked to acts of cruelty or retaliation from a natural spirit of revenge.

*The President proceeded to the Senate chamber on the second day of the session, when the members of the House, by his request, attended, and made the speech in person, as he did also when he first met Congress, after his induction into office. On this occasion his dress was of American manufacture.

St. Clair was then commanding in that section of the country; and it was deemed important to strengthen him by additional troops. Humanity weeps at the recollection of the degraded, and sometimes injured savages of the wilderness; but the earth was made to be cultivated; and the peaceable tenants of the soil should be protected in their labors.

Agreeably to the suggestions of the President, provision was made for maintaining diplomatic intercourse with several nations of Europe; and a law was also enacted for a uniform system of naturalization throughout the United States. Ministers were early sent to the court of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal, and afterwards to Holland, to Russia, and to Prussia. Under the old Congress, ministers from the United States had resided at most of those courts.

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, relating to the fiscal concerns of the country, presented important plans and measures for the consideration of Congress. And though the report was finally approved, as to its principles and outlines, much time was consumed in the examination of its details. The proposition to make a difference between domestic and foreign creditors, as well as between the original and the (then) present holders of evidence of debt against the government, though urged with much zeal and some plausibility, did not receive the sanction of the majority in Congress; for it was believed, that the honor of the government, and the principles of good faith, which should govern in pecuniary affairs, required that the holders of public securities should be paid without exception or distinction.†

As proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, in his report to Congress, 1790, the payment of four-fifths of the debts of each State, incurred in the war of the Revolution, for the general defence, was assumed by the federal government. Justice and good policy alike demanded this measure; for Congress had the entire control of the revenue arising from commerce and navigation; and this pow

* There were different modes or principles of discrimination among the public creditors suggested. That advocated by Mr. Madison was the least exceptionable, but it did not prevail. Mr. Ames opposed it in a very able and convincing manner.

†The Secretary of the Treasury, in his report, estimated the public debt at little less than a Committee of the House had, at the first session, and the annual expenses of government and interest of the debt at three and a half millions.

er was granted by the Constitution for the express purpose of paying off the public debt. Some States had advanced more than their just proportion in the expenses of the war. On inquiry, it was ascertained, that several had claims on the general government, for a balance due, or an excess over their proportion; and that others had not expended their full and just share. The amount thus assumed by Congress, was twenty-one millions and a half; which was nearly half as much as the general government, or old continental Congress had directly contracted. South Carolina and Massachusetts were the largest claimants on the federal government for balances in their favor. The assumption of the debts contracted by the several States during the war, for the welfare of all, was not agreed to, however, without warm opposition. And, in one stage of the bill for the purpose, the majority voted against it. But the justice of the measure was so fully shown, that it finally prevailed, and an act of Congress was passed for that object, in August, 1790.

The military establishment of the United States was, at the second session of first Congress, fixed at twelve hundred men, and to be enlisted for three years; to consist of three battalions of infantry, and one of artillery; and by the same law, the President of the United States was authorized to call into service, such part of the militia of any State, as he should judge necessary, to aid the regular troops in protecting the people on the frontiers.

In the month of July, of this session, an act was passed, providing for the permanent seat of the government of the United States, on the banks of the Potomac, including a tract of land of ten miles square; a part of which was with in the State of Maryland, and a part in Virginia. And in the act of acceptance of the territory, it was also pro-vided, "that the operation of the laws of the State within such district or territory, should not be affected by the cession, till the time fixed for the removal of the government thereto, and until Congress should otherwise provide by law."

During the second session of this Congress, several petitions were presented on the subject of slavery; which were subscribed chiefly by the people called Quakers, and citizens of Pennsylvania. Dr. Franklin's name was at the

During the whole war, Massachusetts supplied one-fifth of the continental army, and some part of it nearly one-fourth; and generally had State troops out to guard her coasts of 500 miles.

head of one of these memorials. There was some opposition to have them considered at all, as the subject did not belong to Congress, and was solely within the jurisdiction of the several State governments. The subject, however, was discussed at various times, and a report was finally made and adopted, though by a small majority, in substance as follows: That the general government is restrained from prohibiting the importation of slaves before the year 1808; that, by fair construction, Congress is also restrained from interfering in the emancipation of slaves, who already are, or may, within that period, be imported into, or born within any of the States; that Congress have authority to interdict or regulate the African trade, so far as relates to citizens of the United States supplying foreigners; and to make provision by law for the humane treatment of slaves: and that the federal government has power also to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels, in any ports of the Union, for that traffic.

Some of the members from the South said they should consider their States undone, if any interference took place, as to the subject, and warmly opposed any action of the federal government; but other members contended that humanity, justice, and good policy required something to be devised to alleviate the condition of the unfortunate Africans. Still, many individuals, as humane as they were enlightened, thought that any great interference with slavery would endanger the Union, and that the Constitution did not authorize it.

An act was passed by the first Congress, in April, 1790, to promote the progress of the useful arts, which secured to the inventors of any machine, engine, art, or manufacture, the sole right to the use, and sale of a right to use, such invention. This was considered an important law; and it operated as a stimulus to various inventions, highly beneficial to society. In June, of the same year, a law of Congress was passed, securing to authors and publishers of books, the exclusive right to print and sell such works for a number of years. The law was similar to those in force in England, and other countries in Europe.

In July, 1790, during the second session of the first Congress, provision was made by law for the debt of the United States; in a great measure conformably to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury; which was, in fact, for payment of the national debts, by a funding system, (usually so called,) and by loans. The law authorized new loans, and the creditors of the United States

were invited to subscribe, and to pay for the sum subscribed in their securities or notes of a former date. Interest was allowed on the new stock thus created by the loan subscribed to; and a part of the principal to be paid at certain periods in future. Some of the stock bore an interest of six per cent., and some only three. The President was authorized to borrow twelve millions of dollars, on the credit of the United States, to meet demands or part of demands already due, and the interest due to the public creditors.

During this Congress, provision was made for a gradual reduction of the public debt, by paying it in annual instalments, at an early period; so anxious were the members. of laying a foundation, or preparing a plan, for this important purpose. But both on the question of funding the public debt, and of assuming the debts of the several States, a warm discussion took place, which continued many days, and called forth the abilities of the distinguished members of Congress. It was not wholly of a sectional character; and political parties were not then formed: but different views were expressed; and the members from those States, which had advanced the least in the war of the Revolution, were the most opposed to these propositions. The majority of the House was, at one time, against adopting; but the Senate was in favor of the measure, and the House finally yielded, by a small majority. Had not these measures been adopted, the consequences might have been most unhappy for the welfare of the Union. For the funding system was necessary to revive and support the credit of the country; and the assumption of the State debts was equally necessary to do justice to those States, which expended most largely and suffered most severely, in the contest for liberty and independence. Sedgwick, Gerry, and Ames, of Massachusetts, were very eloquent on this occasion, and declared that the federal government would fail essentially in providing a remedy for existing evils, and in securing justice to the States, which was the express design of its establishment, unless the debts of the States were assumed, and prompt measures adopted for payment of the public debt.

Several members of the first Congress had been delegates in the Convention which formed the federal Constitution, as Strong, Gerry, Sherman, Langdon, Gilman, Carroll, King, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Morris, Bassett, Reed, McHenry, Butler, Few, and Baldwin. Among the most distinguished and active members of the House of Representa