mination. His enemy has no option, except lieved him to be, he would have emancipated every slave who served five years in his own ranks, and so enlisted all the brave and ambitious on his own side, and promised to every captured black immunity, to every white officer his parole. As it is, he has given to both classes new reasons for meeting a death which no decree can make other than an honorable one. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, on the other hand, may pulverize the power of the South. The slaves have only to fold their hands, and cultivation and means of transport alike cease to exist. But no race, except the Hindoo, under an organ

to execute two for one, or refuse the quarter Mr. Davis has pledged himself before the offence not to grant to invaders. Not cantent with slaying the slave for simply striving for freedom, the very act his master boasts that he himself is performing, Mr. Davis threatens to slay prisoners in cold blood for executing orders known to be within the rights of war, and which they may be shot by their own Government for not obeying. In view of such an outrage, the first part of the Southern edict denouncing General Butler, and sentencing his subordinates to death, becomes a mere ebullition of spite. | ized caste pressure, has ever succeeded in All the officers of a division are doomed to the gallows because their general is a tyrant, but Mr. Davis, we do him the justice to say, was aware when he issued it that Genera! Butler had been removed, and that his terrible edict, terrible enough to satisfy the imagination of slaveholders, was a mere form of words. The second half, however, is a reality. Whether executed or not, it is an attempt to punish political hostility with death a permission to Southern politicians to slay, after battle, prisoners who have done nothing except accept voluntary recruits from among an invaded population. The worst effect Mr. Lincoln desires from his order is that three millions of blacks may insist on receiving wages for work. The best effect Mr. Davis can hope for is, that ten thousand whites may shrink back from the task of restraining emancipated slaves by military law. We put it to Mr. Charles Buxton which of these two men-bad English apart-is the statesman of a civilized state.

enduring the misery of passive resistance, and in most of the States the masters will be as powerful as before. The proclamation will only clear the Northern generals of complicity in slavery, tempt the slaves on the border land to fly, and enable the North, perhaps, to raise a sepoy army. That is not a grand result, but there is another yet. No compromise is henceforward possible, if based on the maintenance of human bondage. There are political acts which no ruler can recall, which no court can annul, no legislature erase, and this proclamation, with all its defects, may be accepted as one. No slave-owner can ever again trust the North, or believe in a fugitive slave law, or forget that the national faith has been pledged to his beasts of burden. Reunion, if it arrives, must be a reunion among the free, and the future of North America is on this one point decided. Her proletariat may be black, and as wretched as a despised laboring class is but too apt to become, her laws may still The proclamations will possibly resemble keep up distinctions utterly irrational if each other more in their result than their slaves indeed be men, her social tone may drift. Mr. Lincoln's may, and Mr. Davis's still be impaired by the worst form of olicertainly will, not succeed. Decrees refus-garchical assumption. But her official ing quarter, and that is the gist of the South- power, the aggregate force of the great race ern edict, have always had one result. Their now spreading from the Potomac to Vanvictims fight to the death. If a slave is to be couver's Island, must be exerted to favor executed because he takes arms he will not freedom, and the dream of a grand slave be taken prisoner; if the officer is to be empire unfettered by stronger free organihanged he will prefer a bullet. No better zations is at an end forever. Separation or device could have been suggested for making conquest are now the only alternatives, and American sepoys desperate than this furious either, if they do not abolish slavery, will order; no better temptation to sepoy officers finally restrict its area, and permanently to keep themselves well in front. Had Mr. menace its principle. Davis been the statesman we had half be

From The Economist, 17 Jan.

THE INCREASED PROBABILITY OF A
LONG DURATION OF THE

AMERICAN WAR.

THE various events of which we have news from America by this mail are very important, but the most important tend in a single direction. To the English the most interesting inquiry is how long will this war last. Recent events make it more likely even than before that it will last a long time as long or nearly as long as the reign of Mr. Lincoln. There are this week three important new facts which confirm the probability of this result.

more or less adequate of aiding the liberating armies. To avoid this we hear some slaves are being removed into the interior, but then a new danger arises. The "interior" does not like to have them. After an emancipating decree which all slaves hear of, it is difficult for an owner to retain them in obedience even when isolated from contagion and remote from rumor. But wheresoever distrusted slaves are removed, they are so many missionaries of disaffection. They excite an uneasiness which otherwise would never have been perceptible, but which is difficult to allay when once aroused. The South at least many persons at the South

we understand, are not comfortable as to the prolonged effect of this proclamation of liberty on men who indeed scarcely know what liberty is, but who have always heard and vaguely believe that it is something good. These apprehensions require time ere they can be verified or dispelled, and Mr. Lincoln would stultify his own act if he did not give them time. The hopes of the North just as much need months for their realization. They hope that the élite of the slaves will exert themselves; that the mass of the slaves will combine; that a vast insurrection will be at length organized; but how long a time such slow causes must take to produce so immense an effect is evident from the mere statement of them.

First. There is the Proclamation of Mr. Lincoln conferring freedom, as he promised, on the slaves in the rebel States. Speculative lawyers raise nice questions as to the legality of this act, but nice points of jurisprudence have no revolutionary efficacy. Nor need we now discuss the moral and philanthropic aspect of the subject; this we have considered at length before. We have now to consider its results. It must prolong the war. It is just the sort of cause which requires some time for its operation. Now that Mr. Lincoln has rightly or wrongly invoked its aid, he is not only justified but bound to wait that aid. He has given freedom to millions of men: he could not at once make a peace consigning them again to slavery. He has asked help from a scat- The second new fact in this week which tered, unorganized, and distant multitude: augments the probability of the prolonged he would be foolish as well as wicked if he duration of the American war, is the inaudid not give them time to hear of what he gural speech of the new Democratic Govhas done for them, to brood upon it in their ernor of the State of New York. This is unformed and slow minds, to act on it in the first time that the Democratic party, — their torpid and tardy manner. There is no the "opposition" party to Mr. Lincoln, fear in the South and no hope in the North have spoken from a seat of office and in a of a sudden servile outbreak. But the tone of authority. This is the party from South fear the desertion of the "bad slave," whose exertions, if from any exertions, we and the North hope for the alliance of the are to expect an end of civil war. But they "good slave." What the South apprehend do not seem as yet prepared even to ask for is that the most idle, the most worthless, it. Mr. Seymour only tells us he will supand most dissolute slaves, male and female, port the "Constitution of the Union," which will in part shirk work, in part desert, and is the very object for which Mr. Lincoln is in part become useless, while it is not possi-at war; he only "hopes that before the end ble to apply to them with the usual vigor of his term of service the country would be the usual means of correction. This is es- again great, glorious, and united as it once pecially apprehended of the slaves in ex- was.' posed and outlying places on the sea-coast In truth, the opposition to a great war is near the Federal armies. There, the disaf- generally an unpopular cause. It is a sort fected slave will have some means more or of semi-treason. You seem at all times to less of self-emancipation, and some means side with the enemy, and if the opposition

On these grounds, therefore, we think the present probability to be that the American war will continue perhaps during the entire reign of Mr. Lincoln, at any rate, during by far the greater portion of it.

is prolonged you often end by siding with it gro slaves to the executive authorities of in reality. Mr. Fox incurred great unpopu- their respective States to be dealt with aclarity by seeming to rejoice at French victo- cording to law, that is, to be hanged, or ries and to sorrow at English victories; and burnt, or flayed alive, must tend to pronow that his papers are before us, we know long the war. Each act of threatened cruthat in the end he did exult in the victories of elty, still more each perpetrated act of cruNapoleon. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright elty, must embitter that internecine hatred incurred a similar unpopularity during the which has passed into a proverb as the peculCrimean war. The popular mind will not iar curse and characteristic of civil wars. In make nice distinctions. "If you are against the beginning of such wars men fight for an the war, you are for the enemy:" that is the object, real or supposed: in the end they fight natural judgment. Accordingly, in a coun- because they have fought. By the animosities try like America, where politicians dread it engenders, a cruel war soon becomes unpopularity as if it were leprosy, an oppo- a principal cause of its own continuaance. sition party do not like to denounce a war, even though they disapprove of and dislike it. Yet, until some party is bold enough not only to ask but to clamor for, not only to solicit but to insist on the close of the struggle, Mr. Lincoln and his advisers will probably continue it. It is their war; many of them have grown rich by it, and the rest hope to grow rich. They will not give up the sweets of office and the profits of contracts to the Democrats-to the peace party of the future-without a long and eager contest. They are in possession of the power which for bad motives and for good motives they especially covet, and when attacked, they will contend long and bitterly. As yet they are not attacked at all. The supposed peace party does not dare even to ask for peace.

From The Spectator, 17 Jan. THE EMPEROR'S SPEECH. THE emperor's speech to his Legislature has been pronounced somewhat tame, for to men expecting a thunderbolt a hailstorm seems re-assuring; but never was speech pronounced more essentially Napoleonic, or more exquisitely adapted to the reeds of the situation. That situation is by no means so pleasant as the Constitutionnel chooses to sing, and the emperor, who understands his Mr. Chase's plans, though still, as we have epoch, never shuts his eyes to a fact. France explained elsewhere, complicated by much is engaged in an expedition which threatens uncertainty, are evidently intended to serve to become a great war, from which she cana party object. The Republicans—the cer- not retreat, and in which a profitless suctain war party - have a majority in the pres-cess will demand a strained exertion. Her ent Congress: the Democrats the possible finances, but just rescued from danger, are peace party have a majority in the elected again in a position of great, though conCongress which will meet next winter. Ac-cealed embarrassment. Her policy, foiled cordingly, he is asking for borrowing powers in Greece, has not been successful in Italy, to carry him on to the 30th June, 1864,- for and the failure wastes her intelligence in the £180,000,000. If he succeed, the Democratic old sterile contest between the Church and Congress will scarcely be able to arrest the the Revolution. Her industry, like that of war, even if it should wish. It can only England, is suffering from the suspension of stop the supplies, and those have already the cotton trade, and, unlike England, sufbeen granted. It cannot revoke the sup-fering has not been repaid by a new and plies, for the President would veto it.

Thirdly and lastly. The retaliatory Proclamation of Jefferson Davis, which declares General Butler to be a "felon, outlaw, and common enemy to mankind," which reserves for execution the officers of his army when captured, which hands over all ne

powerful link in the chain which binds rich to poor. Louis Napoleon himself, who reigns only as the heir of the Revolution, who is emperor by the grace of God and the will of the people, has seemed for a year to doubt whether he should not value the cassack above the imperial mantle as well as

the popular blouse. It was also absolutely which, as the world perceives, must, like the necessary to remove the public sense of de- Napoleonic idea, be territorial. The statepression, yet to do it without menaces which ment reads to us Englismen matter of fact would have plunged France in new compli- enough; but one must be French, and have cations; to re-assure the world, yet assume suffered under thirty years of Louis Philthat earthquakes were always due to France ippe's inaction, to understand how that briland imperial agency. The task was per- liant picture of energy and influence, and formed, and, like everything else to which victory-that long panorama of French his habitual indolence permits the emperor achievements, turned over leaf by leaf by the to attend himself, it was performed success- man who has done it all-affects French imfully. Calm and quiet and even gentle in aginations. What are religious contests; tone, the emperor reviewed the past, and are not the French at Rome ? What matter unrolled before France a wonderful pano- deficits, when France is larger by 600,000 rama of achievement and glory and con- souls? What signifies internal compression, quest and ever-widening sources of influence. when abroad the Frenchman is as powerful L'Empire c'est la paix, except in Europe, as an ancient Roman or a well-off British Asia, and America, for the imperial arms subject? The whole of it is true, too, have triumped in Russia and Italy, Syria and though there is a suppression of other truths. China, Mexico and Anam. "The age of France has under Napoleon recovered her conquests" has passed, but, "nevertheless, ancient rank; she has made her influence France has been increased by two provinces," felt throughout the earth, and has justified her Asiatic dominions by five, and her army the old French idea that living force existed is carrying out an idea which will secure at in her and England alone. Nor must we be least three more on the borders of the Pa- blind to the truth that, on the whole, the incific. Napoleon asks "only. prosperity and fluence of France has been beneficial. If moral preponderance; " but where, suggests Napoleon keeps Rome it is through him that the emperor, in the same sentences, has the Italy has been able to make herself. It is influence of France not been felt? In Italy not in our mouths to quarrel with conquests she made a State and acquired those two in Cochin China, and even in Mexico though "new provinces." In the East, she " sup-under feeble pretexts the influence of France ported" the union of the principalities, and redressed the grievances of Syria and Montenegro, always without " disavowing" the rights of the Ottoman Porte,-which were only smiled aside. In Italy, France still supports the Holy Father, and so keeps her finger pressed on the throat of the Catholic world, Misunderstandings with Spain and Switzerland have been averted, and commercial treaties concluded with most of the rest of the European world. In Asia, the emperor has humbled China and opened in Anam "a vast territory to French activity." In America-ah! there the emperor stays his hand, and only admits an expedition against a country where "an attempt against the honor of France had remained unpunished." The hiatus is supplied in the foreign report, submitted after the speech, where the Mexican enterprise is allowed to have "entered on a phase purely military' -i.e., unburdened by treaties-and the emperor hopes soon to cover French arms with glory" and secure those permanent guarantees" for which he entered the country, and

will assist to prevent Central America from relapsing into barbarism. France has abroad the passionate, multiform, many-colored life which suits her genius, and which is refused to her at home, and Napoleon deserves from her for his foreign policy much of the credit he claims, and the Legislature is so willing to accord. Only do not let us be told that all this forms a policy which the world is not to watch with suspicion, or that a sovereign who, doing all this, still says the empire is peace, is never to be supposed" actuated by some secret motive, or mysterious combination."

There are the "circenses!" modified and refined to suit the tastes of a people who crave like Romans for excitement, but who are intellectually dyspeptic, and after a brief reference to the increased powers of the Legislature, the next sentence supplies the "bread." The American war “has dried up one of the most fruitful sources of industry," and the Legislature must sanction a grant to relieve" those who submit with resignation to a misfortune even Government cannot

avert." It has been said that the Liberals | at this moment, with the cotton famine, abobject, and affirm that the grant was not sorbs all French attention, the emperor asked till it seemed probable that liberal throws no light. The speech barely menFrance might herself relieve the distress tions the expedition; and the reports, of Rouen; but the objection is somewhat though they contain the menacing phrase, childish. France may be educated to self-permanent guarantees," neither indicate government, but human lives are not fitting their character nor the means by which they subjects for experiment. The majority still are to be secured. All as to the past is bright look to the State as if it were earthly Prov- with color, lively with animation; the presidence, and it is futile to allow Napoleon to ent is passed in silence, broken only by an spend millions on a war commenced at his acknowledgment of a need; and the rest is own discretion, and refuse him the right to left in the mist in which the emperor, like grant thousands for the relief of a starving de- Providence, thinks it well for mere mortals partment, to applaud the expense on games, that the future should be concealed. This and then fret at the cost of bread. is the true Napoleonic course; and it is because this course of repression at home and feverish activity abroad, of conquest and interference, huge grants and accessions of influence, is obviously to continue, that this speech is interesting, and that on its receipt French funds fell 30 centimes.

From The Boston Daily Advertiser, 9 Feb.
NATHAN HALE.

NATHAN HALE, the senior editor of this paper, with which his name is indissolubly connected, died at his residence in Brookline, near this city, last evening, at a few minutes past eleven o'clock, in the seventyeighth year of his age.

There is one point, and one only on which the speech disappoints expectation. It reveals nothing of the true policy or intentions of the emperor. The veil of mystery which it is part of his statecraft to maintain shakes throughout as if it were about to come down, but it remains impervious still. Not a thought with a definite bearing can be discerned in the allusions to Italy. Napoleons are not suspected of " tampering with revolution" while directed, like Garibaldi's movement, against themselves, and the fact that French" arms have asserted the independence of Italy without abandoning the Holy Father, whom our engagements obliged us to support," was sufficiently patent before. What the world cares to know is whether those engagements are operative now, and on this point neither speech nor reports give the slightest trustworthy hint. The reports, indeed, admit the fact that definitive organizations and durable peace cannot be hoped for in the Italian Peninsula so long as the disaccord which divides Italy and the Papacy still subsists; " but the only plan for the future is that reconciliation between darkness and light which has so palpably failed in the past. The emperor has "received assurances of the kind intentions Nathan Hale was born in Westhampton, of the Pope;" but then those kind inten- in this State, 16 August, 1784. He retions only imply some "useful administra-ceived his name from his father's brother, tive and judicial reforms," the principal of which is a change in the management of the lottery. On America His Majesty merely says that his efforts have failed through the non-adhesion of the maritime powers, and explains that his mediation has only been postponed-a declaration which, as fickleness is not the emperor's reproach, will not excite much surprise. Even on Mexico, which

His death was entirely painless. Although a stroke of paralysis in 1854 warned him and his family that his career of usefulness must be brought to a termination at no very distant day, he was in the full enjoyment of his faculties for several years afterwards, and it was not until a very few days ago that his family were led to expect the near approach of dissolution. As lately as Sunday, the 1st instant, he took his part in conversation with unusual animation.

the patriot spy of the Revolution. He was graduated at Williams College in 1804, and studied law at Troy, N. Y. He would, perhaps have settled in that State, had not a vacancy in the corps of mathematical instruction in Exeter Academy, for which he was highly recommended, led to his appointment to that office and his consequent removal East. At Exeter he made the ac