long controlled. Whatever may be the faults of the party in power, or of the party out of power, this is, nevertheless, so far as I know, altogether the most satisfactory and desirable government in the world, and I am thankful to God, the disposer of the affairs of nations and of men, that our States are again in relations with the general government.

Should we be surprised or discouraged because our section does not control the government? History, if not reason, should teach us better. Is there a parallel to our history since 1860-war bitter, continued, and destructive, defeat utter and overwhelming, and all followed so soon by so great political influence and consideration as we now enjoy? When did a defeated and conquered minority ever before in the short space of fifteen years regain such power and influence in any age or nation? And this is the more wonderful when we consider the immeasurable capacity for blundering which the leaders of the dominant party in our section have manifested during those years of political conflict. And it is the more wonderful still when we consider how ready the dominant party of the other section has been to receive, as the expression of the fixed though secret sen

timent of the mass of the Southern people, the wild utterances of a few extreme impracticables, who have never forgotten and have never learned. I tell you to-day that the soberminded people who had read history did not in 1865 expect that our relations with the general government would be by 1880 as good as they

are.

But they would have been better than they are if the real sentiment of the masses on both sides could have gotten itself fairly expressed; for these masses wish to be friends, and before very long they will sweep from their way those who seek to hinder them. My congregation, looked at on all sides and measured by any tests, it is one of the wonders of history that our people have, in so short a time-fifteen years is a very short time in the history of a nation, so far overcome the evil effects of one of the most bloody and desolating and exasperating wars ever waged in this world. And the facts speak worlds for our Constitution, for our form of government, and above all for our Protestant religion—a religion which will yet show itself to be the best healer of national wounds and the best reconciler of estranged brethren.

IV. There is one great historic fact which

should, in my sober judgment, above all other things, excite everywhere in the South profound gratitude to Almighty God. I mean the abolition of African slavery.

If I speak only for myself, and I am persuaded that I do not, then be it so. But I, for one, thank God that there is no longer slavery in these United States. I am persuaded that I only say what the vast majority of our people feel and believe. I do not forget the better characteristics of African slavery as it existed among us for so long a time under the sanction of national law and under the protection of the Constitution of the United States; I do not forget that its worst features were often cruelly exaggerated, and that its best were unfairly minified; more than all, I do not forget that, in the providence of God, a work that is without a parallel in history was done on the Southern plantations, a work that was begun by such men as Bishop Capers of South Carolina, Lovick Pierce and Bishop Andrew of Georgia, and by men like-minded with them,-a work whose expenses were met by the slave-holders themselves, a work that resulted in the Christianizing of a full half million of the African people, who became communicants of our churches, and

of nearly the whole four or five millions who were brought largely under the all-pervasive and redeeming influence of our holy religion.

I have nothing to say at this time of the particular "war measure" that brought about their immediate and unconditioned enfranchisement, only that it is history, and that it is done for once and for all. I am not called on, in order to justify my position, to approve the political unwisdom of suddenly placing the ballot in the hands of nearly a million of unqualified men-only that, since it is done, this also is history, that we of the South should accept, and that our fellow-citizens of the North should never disturb it. But all these things, bad as they may have been, and unfortunate as they may yet be, are only incidental to the one great historic fact, that slavery exists no more. For this fact I devoutly thank God this day. And on many accounts:

1. For the negroes themselves. While they have suffered and will suffer many things in their struggle for existence, I do nevertheless believe that in the long run it is best for them. How soon they shall realize the possibilities of their new relations depends largely, perhaps most, on themselves. Much depends on those

who, under God, set them free. By every token this whole nation should undertake the problem of their education. That problem will have to be worked out on the basis of co-operation; that is, they must be helped to help themselves. To make their education an absolute gratuity will perpetuate many of the misconceptions and weaknesses of character which now embarrass and hinder their progress. Much also depends on the Southern white people, their sympathy, their justice, their wise and helpful co-operation. This we should give them, not reluctantly, but gladly, for their good and for the safety of all, for their elevation and for the glory of God. How we may do this may be matter for discussion hereafter.

2. I am grateful that slavery no longer exists, because it is better for the white people of the South. It is better for our industries and our business, as proved by the crops that free labor makes. But by eminence it is better for our social and ethical development. We will now begin to take our right place among both the conservative and aggressive forces of the civilized and Christian world.

3. I am grateful because it is unspeakably better for our children and our children's chil