remaining. The law provided that the Assembly should contain not less than 50 nor more than 100 delegates, and according to the census the number was fixed at 80, two of whom represented Manila.

The election was held on July 30, 1907, the Naçionalists, or party favoring immediate independence, elected 32 of the delegates, the other 48 being divided among the other parties as follows: Progresistas, 16; Independents, 20; Immediastas, 7; Independistas, 4; Catolico, 1. The Philippine Commission, which is the upper house of the legislature, has a veto on all measures passed by the assembly. Two resident commissioners to the United States were appointed by the assembly and the first of these were accorded seats in Congress in February, 1908. The assembly convened at Manila on October 16, 1907, and was formerly opened by Secretary of War Taft amid universal rejoicing.

Beginning with the close of the war with Spain the nation experienced an era of unprecedented prosperity. prosperity. Contemporaneous with its entrance into a larger field of international affairs was an equally remarkable expansion of commerce. The export trade that had been averaging a billion dollars a year for the last decade suddenly increased during the years 1898 and 1899 until in 1900 it had attained the sum of a billion and a half. Every trade and industry felt the stimulus of "flush times," and

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an epoch of industrial exploitation and concentration of wealth set in that astonished the world. For twenty years there has been a marked tendency towards the formation of the so-called

"trusts " or organizations of corporate interests for mutual benefit, but prior to 1898 only a few powerful corporations like the Standard Oil Company, the Sugar Combine and perhaps the brewing interests had succeeded in controlling the commodities in which they dealt. In the year 1899, however, fifty-one combinations, or onefifth of the total number in the United States in in 1907, 1907, were organized. Transportation, mining, agriculture, every phase, indeed, of economic life. began to take on an exceptional life and the nation became drunk with its prosperity, indulging in schemes and enterprises tremendous in scope and apparently impossible of achievement. Many of them, nevertheless, did succeed, but at the penalty destined always to be paid when values assume fictitious and speculative proportions.

In spite, however, of certain menacing elements in this "new finance," there was much that was solid in the economic situation. A combination of causes joined in producing this condition; the most important, however, were the war, the enormous deposits of gold discovered in the new gold fields in Alaska, South Africa, Australia, and other places; the Dingley Tariff Bill of 1897 and finally the

death-blow dealt the free-silver proposition by the enactment of the currency law of 1900.*

Although free silver was killed by the currency act of 1900, it was not yet buried. This melancholy deed was reserved for the presidential election of November 3. The platform of the Democratic party reaffirmed the platform of 1896, calling for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the rate of 16 to 1, and with William Jennings Bryan as their standard-bearer the Democrats took up again the ungrateful task of being the party of opposition. The outcome of the contest was evident from its beginning. The cry " imperialism fell upon the ears of a people who had tasted the fruits of victory, and they had no intention of inconsiderately throwing them away. The men who were destined to lead the dominant parties were likewise a foregone conclusion and both were virtually nominated by acclamation by their respective parties.

The Republican national convention was held in Philadelphia June 26, and the only issue apparently was the nomination of a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. Had Garrett A. Hobart lived to the end of his term, he would undoubtedly have been offered the honor again, but his death November 21, 1899, had rendered this impossible. The only other man considered sufficiently popular in all por

*For discussion of this act see the Summary of American Finances in this volume.

tions of the country to prove an acceptable candidate was Theodore Roosevelt, then governor of New York. No one in the party had a record so remarkable, and so uniformly clear. As police commissioner of New York City, Assistant Secretary of Navy, colonel of the Rough Riders, and finally as governor of New York, his career had been marked by energy, originality, daring opposition to abuses, and above all by elements of success that rendered him a personality of especial interest not only to his own party but to the American people at large.

There were, however, certain facts that conspired against his election. These were: that he had made enemies by his activities during the war with Spain respecting abuses in the administration; that he had antagonized powerful interests and the party "machine" in his own State by his gubernatorial policy; and last that he was not acceptable to Senator Hanna and the President, who distrusted his progressive tendencies. The New York delegation headed by Senator Platt, in order to bury him in the Vice-Presidential chair, favored his nomination, as did Senator Quay, the "boss" of Pennsylania, because he would thereby strike a blow at Hanna. The Western contingency was solid for him because they liked the man. In such wise, supported by his enemies and his friends, was Theodore Roosevelt nominated to the second place of honor in the gift of

his party- an honor that he accepted with reluctance for he knew history too well not to be aware of the disastrous experiences of former VicePresidents; and was too keen a politician not to grasp the true inwardness of the situation. Yet it was an honor that could not well be refused, and his name was accordingly linked with that of William McKinley as the nominee of the Republican party.

In its platform the Republican party called attention to the redemption of its pledges to establish the currency of the nation on a gold basis, and pointed to the increased prosperity as the result; the administration was commended for its triumph in the war with Spain; honest combinations of capital were approved, but trusts and monopolies condemned; the protective policy was reaffirmed; reciprocity, restriction of immigration, ship subsidies and liberal pensions favored; the civil service policy commended; restriction of suffrage in the South condemned; good roads, rural free delivery, reclamation of arid lands, statehood for the Territories, reduction of the war tax, the construction of an Isthmian Canal, the formation of a department of Commerce and Labor, improvement of the consular service were recommended and, finally, the whole policy of expansion was approved.

The Democratic national convention met July 5, at Kansas City, Mo., and after eulogistic speeches in favor of William Jennings Bryan, he was

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nominated by acclamation, David B. Hill of New York, an opponent in 1896, seconding the nomination. The choice for nomination for Vice-President was Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, Vice-President in 1892-1896.*

The Democratic platform made im

* Other national conventions:

At the national convention of the People's party (Middle-of-the-Road Anti-fusionists) held at Cincinnati, Ohio, May 10, Wharton Barker of Pennsylvania, was nominated for President on the second ballot. Ignatius Donnelly was nominated for Vice-President by acclamation. The Prohibitionist national convention at Chicago, June 28, nominated John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for President on the first ballot. Henry B. Metcalf, of Rhode Island, was nominated for VicePresident on the first ballot. The Socialist Labor Party national convention in the city of New York, June 6, nominated Joseph F. Malloney, of Massachusetts, for President, on the first ballot. Valentine Remmel was nominated for Vice-President on the first ballot. The Social Democratic national convention, at Indianapolis, Ind., March 6, nominated Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, for President and Job Harriman, of California, for Vice-President, by acclamation. The United Christian Party national convention at Rock Island, Ill., May 2, nominated Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President and John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for VicePresident, by acclamation. The Silver Republican national convention at Kansas City, Mo., July 6, indorsed the nomination of William Jennings Bryan for President and referred the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President to the national committee, which endorsed the Democratic nominee, A. E. Stevenson. The National Party convention in the city of New York, September 6, nominated Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, for President and Archibald M. Howe, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President, by acclamation. These candidates declined and no other nominations were made. At a meeting of the Anti-Imperialist League, at Indianapolis, Ind., August 16, William J. Bryan was endorsed for President. The national committee of the National Democratic party (Gold Democrats) at Indianapolis, Ind., July 25, adopted resolutions recommending that no candidates be nominated by the party, and opposing William J. Bryan.

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perialism the paramount issue, thereby relegating the silver question to a secondary position. The Porto Rico law was denounced, the evacuation of Cuba demanded and the policy regarding the Philippines 'condemned and denounced." Expansion that comprehended the the accession of territory capable of being erected into states of the Union, was advocated, but the formation of a colonial empire was denounced as involving the very existence of the Republic. A strict adherence to the Monroe Doctrine was insisted upon, and militarism denounced; trusts and monopolists were denominated as intolerable and the Dingley tariff law condemned as a trust-breeding instrument. The Chicago free silver plank was reaffirmed and the currency law of 1900 denounced. In addition the popular election of Senators, the formation of a department of labor, liberal pensions, the Nicaraugan canal, statehood for the Territories, reclamation of arid lands, repeal of the war taxes, exclusion of Chinese immigrants and sympathy with the Boers were approved; and injunctions, the HayPauncefote treaty, and all alliances with foreign powers were condemned. The platform concluded with the statement:

“Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous

and honored, we earnestly ask for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support of the liberty-loving American people regardless of previous party affiliations."

Democracy went into the contest with a forlorn hope, every condition opposing a change of administration at that time, yet Mr. Bryan, as before, made a splendid struggle against his odds. With remarkable endurance and enthusiasm he covered almost the entire country in his campaign, moving his hearers with his eloquence and the charm of his personality, even though he was unable to influence them by his logic to vote for his principles. During the last weeks. of the campaign, the popular interest, which had at times been distracted by the Boxer uprising, the Galveston flood, and other startling events, rose to an unwonted pitch. Rallies were held in the cities throughout the nation, the most remarkable, perhaps, being the "sound money parade

of 100,000 voters which took place in New York, November 3. The result, however, was what had been evident from the beginning to all but the blindest adherents of Democracy, and President McKinley was reelected by the tremendous plurality of 832,280 votes, receiving a popular vote of 7,206,677 to Bryan's 6,374,397. The electoral vote was 292 for McKinley and Roosevelt against 155 for Bryan and Stevenson. The "Solid South," of course, cast its vote for Mr. Bryan, and in addition he carried Idaho, Montana, Nevada, and Colorado. One remarkable and somewhat

pathetic incident of the election was the fact that Bryan failed to carry Nebraska, his own state, his city, or his voting precinct.

As has been noted the public interest in the campaign of 1900 was deflected by other happenings, both internal and external. Of the latter the most sensational was the war between Great Britain and the South African Republic. The sympathy of the American people went out strongly towards the brave and hardy Boers in their dauntless stand against the unlimited resources of the English, but the memory of England's consistent friendship during the war with Spain prevented any official activities in favor of the people of the Transvaal. A delegation of the Boers* to America arrived in New York May 16, and were received with great cordiality by the citizens of New York, the freedom of the city being tendered them by Mayor Van Wyck. Subsequently they were unofficially received by the President, but their mission on the whole was a failure, in view of the fact that Great Britain had announced her refusal to entertain any proposition for mediation.

Under the circumstances

the attitude of the President was correct, for official action in favor of the Boers would have been a repudiation of the declaration of neutrality made by the United States at the outbreak of the war.

On September 9, the nation was ap

* Members of the Boer commission: Abraham Fischer, C. N. Wessels and J. M. A. Wolmarans.

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palled by the news that Galveston, Texas, had been destroyed by a tornado and a tidal wave. Owing to the destruction of means of communication it was several days before the extent of the catastrophe was learned, wild rumors as to the utter annihilation of the the entire populace in the meanwhile gaining credence. The most exaggerated reports, however, were hardly less fearful than the truth. It was then learned that the town had been swept by a heavy storm throughout September 8, which gradually increased in fury, until about midnight it was submerged by a tidal that, unobstructed by any kind of breakwater, overwhelmed the city. When the storm passed it left behind a city of the dead. The waters slowly receded, sweeping with them into the Gulf the bodies of thousands who had perished, and leaving thousands of others among the wreckage and strewn along the beach. In this fearful cataclysm 7,000 people lost their lives; 4,000 more than at Johnstown. From eight to ten thousand houses were destroyed, and property aggregating $30,000,000 swept out of existence. The reply of the nation for aid was immediate and generous. The Red Cross, under Miss Barton, again set to work in the cause of the suffering; over a million dollars for relief was raised by popular subscription, which was added to by large donations from all over the world.

Galveston had already been warned of the danger of its situation by dis