families, he tells them that at last their crowning glory was their humanity to the wounded and prisoners who had fallen into their hands.

"The gentleman from Maine yesterday introduced the Richmond Examiner as a witness in his behalf. Now it is a rule of law that a man can not impeach his own witness. It is true The the Examiner hated Mr. Davis with a cordial hatred. gentleman could not have introduced the testimony of perhaps Why did it hate him? Here are a bitterer foe to Mr. Davis. its reasons: "The chivalry and humanity of Mr. Davis will inevitably ruin the Confederacy.' That is your witness, and the You introduced the witness witness is worthy of your cause.

to prove Mr. Davis guilty of inhumanity, and he tells you that That the humanity of Mr. Davis will ruin the Confederacy.

is not all. In the same paper it says: "The enemy have gone from one unmanly cruelty to another.' Recollect this is your witness. The enemy have gone from one unmanly cruelty to another, encouraged by their impunity, till they are now and have for sometime been inflicting on the people of this country the worst horrors of barbarous and uncivilized war.' Yet, in spite of all this the Examiner alleged that, 'Mr. Davis, in his dealings with the enemy, was as gentle as a sucking dove.'" Mr. Garfield.-"What volume was that?"

Mr. Hill. "The same volume, page 531, and is taken from the Richmond Examiner-the paper the gentleman quoted from yesterday. And that is the truth. Those of us who were there at the time know it to be the fact. One of the persistent charges brought by that paper and some others against Mr. Davis was his humanity. Over and over again Mr. Davis has been heard to say, and I use his very language, when appealed to to retaliate for the horrors inflicted upon our prisoners, "The inhumanity of the enemy to our prisoners can be no justification for a disregard by us for the rules of civilized war and of christianity.' Therefore he persisted in it, and this paper cried out against him that it would ruin the Confederacy.

"I am sure I owe this House an apology for having detained After it so long; I shall detain it but a few moments longer. all, what should men do who really desire the restoration of

peace and to prevent the recurrence of the horrors of war? How ought they to look at this question? Sir, war is always horrible; war always brings hardships; it brings death, it brings sorrow, it brings ruin, it brings devastation. And he is unworthy to be called a statesman, looking to the pacification of this country, who will parade the horrors inseparable from war for the purpose of keeping up the strife that produced the

war.

"I do not doubt that I am the bearer of an unwelcome message to the gentleman from Maine and his party. He says that there are Confederates in this body, and that they are going to combine with a few from the North for the purpose of controlling this Government. If one were to listen to the gentleman on the other side he would be in doubt whether they rejoiced more when the South left the Union, or regretted most when the South came back to the Union that their fathers helped to form, and to which they will forever hereafter contribute as much of patriotic ardor, or noble devotion, and of willing sacrifice as the constituents of the gentleman from Maine. Oh, Mr. Speaker, why can not gentlemen on the other side rise to the height of this great argument of patriotism? Is the bosom of the country always to be torn with this miserable sectional debate whenever a presidential election is pending? To that great debate of half a century before secession there were left no adjourned questions. The victory of the North was absolute, and God knows the submission of the South was complete. But, sir we have recovered from this humiliation of defeat and we come here among you and we ask you to give us the greetings accorded to brothers by brothers. We propose to join you in every patriotic aspiration that looks to the benefit, the advancement, and the honor of every part of our common country. Let us, gentlemen of all partiees, in this centennial year indeed have a jubilee of freedom. We divide with you the glories of the Revolution and of the succeeding years of our national life before that unhappy division, that four years' night of gloom and dispair and so we shall divide with you the glories of all the future.

"Sir, my message is this:

There are no Confederates in this

House; there are no Confederates anywhere; there are no Confederate schemes, ambitions, hopes, desires, or purposes here. But the South is here, and here she intends to remain. Go on and pass your qualifying acts, trample upon the Constitution you have sworn to support; abnegate the pledges of your fathers; incite raids upon our people, and multiply your infidelities until they shall be like the stars of heaven or the sands of the seashore, without number; but know this, for all your iniquities the South will never again seek a remedy in the madness of another secession. We are here; we are in the house of our fathers, our brothers are our companions, and we are at home to stay, thank God!

"We come to gratify no revenges, to retaliate no wrongs, to resent no past insults, to re-open no strife. We come with a patriotic purpose to do whatever in our political power shall lie to restore an honest, economical and constitutional administration of the Government. We come charging upon the Union The Union never wronged us. The Union no wrongs to us. has been an unmixed blessing to every section, to every state, to every man of every color in America. We charge our wrongs upon that 'higher law' fanaticism, that never kept a pledge nor obeyed a law. The South did seek to leave the association of those who she believed would not keep fidelity to their covenants; the South sought to go to herself; but so far from having lost our fidelity for the Constitution which our fathers made, when we sought to go, we hugged that Constitution to our bosoms and carried it with us.

"Brave men of the North, followers of Webster and Fillmore, of Clay and Cass and Douglass-you who fought for the Union for the sake of the Union; you who ceased to fight when the battle ended and the sword was sheathed-we have no quarrel with you, whether Republicans or Democrats. We felt your heavy arm in the carnage of battle; but above the roar of the cannon we heard your voice of kindness, calling, "Brothers, And we bear witness to you this day that that come back!" voice of kindness did more to thin the Confederate ranks and weaken the Confederate arm than did all the artillery exploded in the struggle. We are here to co-operate with you; to do

whatever we can in spite of all our sorrows, to rebuild the Union; to restore peace; to be a blessing to the country and to make the American Union what our fathers intended it to bethe glory of America and a blessing to humanity.

"But to you, gentlemen, who seek still to continue strife, and who, not satisfied with the sufferings already endured, the blood already shed, the waste already committed, insist that we shall be treated as criminals and oppressed as victims, only because we defended our convictions-to you we make no concessions. To you who followed up the war after the brave soldiers that fought it had made peace and gone to their homes-to you we have no concessions to offer. Martyrs owe no apologies to tyrants. And while we are ready to make every sacrifice for the Union, even secession, however, defeated and humbled, will confess no sins to fanaticism, however bigoted and exacting.

"Yet, while we make to you no concession, we come even to you in no spirit of revenge. We would multiply blessings in common for you and for yours. We have but one ambition, and that is to add our political power to the patriotic Union men of the North in order to compel fanaticism to obey the law and live in the Union according to the Constitution. We do not propose to compel you by oaths, for you who breed strife only to get office and power will not keep oaths.

"Sir, we did the Union one great wrong. The Union never wronged the South; but we of the South did the Union one great wrong; and we come, as far as we can, to repair it. We wronged the Union grievously when we left it to be seized and rent and torn by the men who had denounced it as "a covenant with hell and a league with the devil." We ask you, gentlemen, of the Republican party, to rise above all your animosities. Forget your own sins. Let us unite to repair the evils that distract and oppress the country. Let us turn our backs upon the past, and let it be said in the future that he shall be the greatest patriot, who shall do most to repair the worngs of the past and promote the glories of the future."

SHERMAN'S MARCH THROUGH GEORGIA, SOUTH CAROLINA AND NORTH

CAROLINA.

Northern historians approvingly call it "The Great March." Yet, it was a march of wide-spread desolation, and of unparalleled barbarity, including rape and murder. Historians of the North boast that "it could be traced by its wide-spreading columns of smoke that rose wherever the army went." Its terrible barbarity was characterized in all its track, 30 miles wide and hundreds of miles in length, by burning dwellings and the wail of exposure and starvation. It was a march, every step of which was in violation of the code of civilized warfare. The twentieth century has pronounced it, in no uncertain terms, to be the one great disgrace of the civilization of the nineteenth century. The crimes of that march put to shame the cruelties of the uncivilized tribes of the isles of the sea.

With this introduction we shall now give the reader a glimpse, and only a glimpse, of that "Great March." We can not venture here into full details of the barbarous excesses that marked all the wide and long miles of that savage march.

On the 2d day of September 1864, the Mayor of Atlanta surrendered that City to Gen. Sherman. Just three days later, September 5th, Gen. Sherman ordered all the civilians, male and female, to leave the city, giving them only five days in which to obey his order. Mayor Calhoun and other city officials appealed in vain to have this order revoked, urging, in compassionate terms, "the woes, the horrors and sufferings, not to be described by words," that would result. To them Sherman replied:

"I give full credit to your statements of the distress that will be occasioned by it, and yet shall not revoke my order. because my orders are not designed to meet the humanities of the case."

Alva in the 16th century, in the Low Countries, sent thousands of non-combatants to the gallows. Sherman, in the mid