make clear that the problem is not a country, it is not a people, but a man, an individual, a villain. We wouldn't be at war with Arabs. We would not be at war with Islam or the people of Iraq. It wouldn't be about a political system. It wouldn't be a clash of civilizations. It would be about, as I said, an evil individual. And like the Hague proceedings that are now ongoing against Milosevic, an Iraq tribunal could help pave the way for regime change without forcing us into war. Let me submit that $8 million is a bargain when compared to the countless billions that a full-scale war would require, and coupled with an ironclad, airtight inspection regime, could hopefully, and possibly, save thousands of lives. I urge support for the amendment and reserve the balance of my time. Chairman HYDE. Mr. Royce. Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have great respect for Mr. Delahunt's concerns for human rights. He has long been a strong voice against genocide and war crimes, and I think the goal of this amendment here is laudable. And indeed many in Congress have expressed their support for an international war crimes tribunal. However, I think the gentleman in his remarks has acknowledged that Congress has passed, has enacted a Senate Concurrent Resolution on this, a House Concurrent Resolution, that resulted in Public Law 102-138 which has aims similar to this amendment. The funds have been provided by the State Department for the direct purpose of directing world attention to the crimes of the Iraqi regime and moving toward Saddam's indictment. That has been done. However, requiring the Administration to make this matter its highest priority by pressing for an immediate adoption of a United Nations Security Council resolution on this would not help the Administration's current priority. And what is that priority? It is, to quote from this resolutionto quote from the Hastert-Gephardt resolution, "to obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions." That is the current priority. That is what we are passing out today. And so I have to oppose the gentleman's resolution. Chairman HYDE. Would the gentleman yield? Mr. ROYCE. I will yield. Chairman HYDE. I want to congratulate Mr. Delahunt on a very good amendment. I think we need to maintain a sense of priorities, however, and I really would hope that he would withdraw the amendment so we could continue to work together very seriously to help make this war crimes tribunal, as it applies to Saddam Hussein, a reality. I will pledge, Mr. Delahunt, to seriously work with you and ask my staff to work with you to make this a reality, but I just don't want to for reasons that have been often expressed-want to unravel this resolution. But this is a good idea, and if the gentleman would withdraw it, it would save us a lot of time, be a great act of courtesy. I guarantee you, we will seriously work to make your concept a reality. Mr. Lantos. Mr. LANTOS. I would like to add my congratulations to my friend, Mr. Delahunt, for bringing forward a singularly valuable idea. And I would pledge to him that I would be delighted to cosponsor an appropriate resolution, without delay, and work for its adoption. Mr. LEACH. Would the gentleman yield? I think what the Chairman is saying makes some sense, but the gentleman's point is very profound. I would only add one thing to it because we are dealing with report language as well that might be considered in the report. And one other aspect is that just as Saddam can avoid perhaps a war criminal trial if the inspections go forward, I think we as a Congress might want to say that he can avoid war itself if he seeks asylum. I think it is important for us register that as a body, because if we register it, among other things, it makes it clear that our concern is with the regime and Saddam and not with the Iraqi people, and that he can save his country from terrifyingly great difficulty. And add on to it an aspect of something that Mr. Lantos raised earlier, "he" would have to be Saddam and his regime, not simply the individual. I think if this was reflected in report language, it would be very helpful; and I would just simply ask the Chairman to seriously consider that. Chairman HYDE. I certainly will. I think that is a helpful addi tion. The gentleman from Massachusetts. Mr. DELAHUNT. Yes, I think that the observation by Mr. Leach really warrants very serious reflection and consideration, because while oftentimes I think we are unaware of the fact, but it is the truth-many are watching us here today. And given the statement by the Chairman, by the Ranking Member, and Mr. Leach's observation, as well as a reality that I wasn't going to win anyhow, I will be happy to withdraw that amendment. Chairman HYDE. The amendment is withdrawn and the gentleman from Colorado, Mr. Tancredo, is recognized. Mr. TANCREDO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I am going to vote for this resolution this evening, but I am going to do so with more reluctance than I think I have ever felt when facing any issue since I have been here. There are many reasons for it; almost all of them have been thoroughly discussed by Members on both sides. But there is something else that is happening that I have to at least try to bring to the attention of my colleagues. I was going to try to do it as the result of an amendment that I would propose; the amendment has been determined to be nongermane, and I will not therefore propose it. But what we are about to pass is a resolution that will place us on the path to an even bigger war than the one we have heretofore engaged. God only knows the ramifications of this action, but we can assume some to be imminent. One we can reasonably-or one that we can reasonably expect the possibility of terrorist activity around the world will increase dramatically, perhaps exponentially. Some of the highest-ranking members of the military have been quoted as saying that if we do not get the U.N. to support this activity, then it will supercharge—I think the quote was "supercharge al-Qaeda recruiting." The danger to Americans will grow proportionately. As a result, there are steps that any prudent nation would take to protect its citizens. Any prudent nation would do everything possible to make its borders secure to the point that breaching them would be made at least difficult. We, however, may be preparing for many things to fight this war, but securing our borders is not one of them. It is true that in order to accomplish this task, we may need to at least temporarily employ the military to augment the Border Patrol. We are not going to do it, however, because as Tom Ridge has told us, there are political and cultural obstacles to doing that. Mr. Chairman, to continue this war and to escalate the war without creating the most secure borders possible is, at least, a terrible flaw in our defense strategy; and to do so because there are political and cultural obstacles is morally reprehensible. I cannot offer the amendment, but I can beg the Administration to show as much courage in confronting the open border's lobby as it has been willing to confront-as it has in being willing to confront the vicious dictator in Iraq. Both of them are deadly dangerous to the United States of America. Mr. CROWLEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I too was prepared to offer an amendment and then withdraw that amendment after having explained it. Instead, I will not offer that amendment, but will amend my statement for the record on an amendment that I believe would have perfected even more so the resolution that we have before us. Mr. Chairman, I will withdraw that and not offer that amendment at this time. Chairman HYDE. Thank you. Mr. Meeks. Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I think I am going to follow suit. I had intended offering an amendment basically talking about clarifying the language. Because I think, as I had indicated previously, where the resolution talks about the U.N. and Iraq being in violation of several U.N. resolutions, yet we are saying the U.N. is not relevant and we should unilaterally go ahead to enforce U.N. resolutions-I wanted to add some language that would straighten that out. But I think that conversation has been had, so therefore I withdraw my amendment. Chairman HYDE. I certainly thank the gentleman. I tell the clerk that I have an amendment at the desk which without objection shall be considered as read. [The information referred to follows:] AMENDMENTS TO H. J. RES. 114 OFFERED BY MR. HYDE H.L.C. In the 5th clause of the preamble (1) strike "1998" and insert "Public Law 105 235 (August 14, 1998)"; and (2) strike at the end "(Public Law 105-235)”. In the 11th clause of the preamble, strike "American" and insert "United States". In the 14th clause of the preamble and (1) after "Resolution 678" insert "(1990)"; (3) after "Resolution 687" insert "(1991)"; (4) after "Resolution 688" insert "(1991)"; (5) after "Resolution 949" insert "(1994)". In the 15th clause of the preamble (1) strike "Congress”; and (2) after "(Public Law 102-1)" insert ", Congress". In the 17th clause of the preamble, insert "of 1998" after "Iraq Liberation Act". In the 20th clause of the preamble, insert a comma after "organizations" and after "committed". 2 H.L.C. In the 21st clause of the preamble, insert a comma after "organizations" and after "committed". In the 23d clause of the preamble, after "national security" insert "interests". Page 6, beginning on line 4, strike "Authorization for the Use of Military Force Against Iraq" and insert "Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002”. Page 7, line 7, strike “applicable to" and insert “regarding". Page 7, line 13, insert before the period the following: "regarding Iraq". Page 7, line 23, strike "Resolutions" and insert "resolutions". Page 8, line 13, insert "joint" before "resolution". Page 8, line 19, strike "terrorists attacks" and insert "terrorist attacks". Page 9, line 4, insert "joint" before "resolution". Page 9, line 7, after "(a)" insert "REPORTS.-". Page 9, beginning on line 13, strike "section 7 of Public Law 105-338 (the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998)" |