kind of high-pressure engine, and valued by the quickness of the stroke. All seem to be in haste, eager for powers of steam, for swiftness of telegraphs. This tempestuous energy, as might be expected, is subject to periods of reaction. There are some who at times grow weary of the exertion, and become morbid; who crave for fresh stimulants, and keep editors, not to increase their knowledge, but to produce "sensation articles," and help them to the next excitement. It seems an incessant ball-room life-wax lights, satin, champagne-varied with headache, and reactions of grimy depression, commonly called panics. There is abundance of glitter in it, and at times a great deal is quickly done. But the fable tells us it was the tortoise that won the race, not the hare; and it may well be doubted, whether this can really be the pathway to happiness. It cannot be disguised that it wears a hollow cheek, and certainly the wisdom that Solomon taught, was not after this wise. Nature, indeed, seems to teach what man's industry should be-action with alternations of repose. But here the book of Nature seems to lie unopened and forgotten. The whole is a life of one-sided existence-the artificial side. There is no crisp hour of the morning, sparkling with dew, when we step with elastic tread, and inhale new strength of body and of mind. There is no lingering twilight, when to forget our toils, and glide under the wing of peace. There is no eddy, for the current of life to stay its swiftness, and renew its

pure lustre, to flow the more brightly onwards. For all this there seems no place; but, in its stead, a restless, spasmodic energy, that quickens indeed some powers of the mind, but dwarfs the rest, and destroys that even balance of the mental powers, which constitutes the faculty of judgment.

We alluded to the political effect of this habit of impulsive action, in the troubled history of France. Unfortunately, perhaps, for the liberties of the country, the Union has now a Paris. Whoever has studied the progress of the momentous events now occurring, will have seen, that the Washington Government simply follows the impulse of the people; indeed, that in obedience to this impulse, it reversed the policy it had first wisely adopted. But the people of the North, in their turn, implicitly follow the lead of New York. Whatever decision be formed there, flies over the land by telegraph, and is adopted before the day be out. Hence, although this spirit of excitability is not common to the whole country, its disastrous effect is extended to all. And the policy of the Union, and the unhealthy growth stimulated by artificial means, have produced an effect that adds seriously to the evil. The metropolis of the country is not really American. Its population is largely composed of foreigners of all nations, and the type of manners and of sentiment, is essentially foreign to the American soil. Miss Martineau holds that it has become marked by the peculiarities of Irish

character; we should assimilate it rather with the French type.

All know what pure democracy means in France the despotism of a mob. Unrestrained power, in whatever body it reside, whether in the populace or in individuals, is equally despotic power. It is true, that so long as the people be all agreed, there will be no occasion for its use; or when they are divided into parties of equal strength, the one cannot use it against the other. But so soon as there exist a minority on any important question, there will be a majority of greater power; and in the Union this majority never loses the opportunity, to use its power despotically. Hence, freedom of thought and speech, exist in America, only under certain limited conditions— that they approach no question on which the majority has "pronounced." On this subject, it has been remarked, " if ever liberty be lost in America, it will be owing to the omnipotence of the majority, which will have reduced the minority to despair, and will have forced them to appeal to material force. We shall then see anarchy, but it will come as the consequence of despotism."

All are familiar with the operation of this rule in the South, in the direction of discussions on Slavery; and precisely the same holds in the North, as we now see, on this subject of the Union. What more painful proof of this could be given, than in the fact of a man being recently shot dead, in the streets of New York, for simply expressing

opinions, that were common to the whole country a few weeks before-a murder evidently regarded by the public, as an act of vigorous heroism. This despotic rule of the majority, applies to all matters, once affected by this delirium of popular excitement. On religious, on educational, on philosophic questions, there is unbounded licence, because there is no political party to offend. But from the moment that a majority has adopted a principle, and has roused itself into an excitement upon it, from that day, independent judgment ends, except at the risk of being hung from a tree or shot in a street. The author may run riot on any theory of his own, but once let him speak the truth, in however temperate and earnest a manner, yet so that it grate with the views of a majority-and whether his name be Washington Irving, or Cooper, or Hildreth, from that day he is a black sheep with the populace. If the South were now to obtain the upper hand, they would probably extend Slavery all over the Union; the moment the North obtained it, they passed a Morrill tariff. The effect, indeed, of Jefferson's principles, of despotism vested in the populace, has been, to produce an utter disregard in all political affairs, of that great injunction, "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." We shall find, as we proceed, that in place of this, the principle of American politics at the present day, is-do what suits self at the moment, without thought of your fellow-citizens, or consideration for other countries. Whenever

and wherever this has come to be the case, the principle of political action is really a selfish despotism, whatever be its name or form.

That, indeed, the true sense of liberty of opinion, has passed away, is but too plainly evidenced in what is now occurring. When a people look on with acquiescence, whilst the writ of Habeas Corpus is treated with contempt, whilst the police forbid petitions to the Government, in violation of an express right of the Constitution—whilst spies and eavesdroppers are taken into pay-women searched - legislators imprisoned property confiscated-letters broken-telegrams seized — passports ordered-whilst the offices of the press are gutted, and grand juries are urged to draw up presentments of those who differ in opinion-when all this occurs too, not in presence of an invasion, threatening the liberty of the land, but simply in view of an aggressive war to be waged at a distance there is ample evidence that, whatever may have been the love of liberty in other days, it has become a thing of the past.

During the Crimean war, there was in this country a period of great national anxiety, of sore perplexity, but of one overpowering resolve to maintain the reputation of the country. In the midst of this, there existed a peace party, a minute minority of able and earnest men, strongly opposed to the opinions of the vast majority, when those opinions were heightened by feelings the most intense. Yet, had it been proposed to gag those