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only. Any State may, at any time, constitutionally withdraw from the Union, and thus virtually dissolve it. It was not certainly created with the idea that the States, or several of them, would desire a separation; but whenever they choose to do it, they have no obstacle in the Constitution." Here, secession is plainly declared a constitutional right, and this, not by excited Southerners, but by impartial men of unquestionable capacity; and we are forced to admit, that the question must be capable of being viewed in this light by sound-judging men, when we find it expressed so decidedly by such authorities.

Let us briefly consider the circumstances under which the Constitution was framed. The revolutionary war was brought to a successful termination, with the assistance of France and Spain, under the control of a government styled the Congress. This was a central body appointed by the States, with very inefficient powers, in which legislative and executive functions were blended, to the detriment of both. Although the carly patriotic enthusiasm soon passed away, still so long as the war continued, the pressure of a common danger knit the States together. When peace followed, the necessity for exertion no longer supplied a stimulus; lassitude and indifference crept over the Government; the bands of the Union gradually loosened, and the fabric fell into decay. There were no funds to liquidate the war debt or to afford a provision for the officers

reduced to want; there was no excitement to keep up the attendance in Congress; there was no subject on which the States felt any strong and common interest. Conflicting views began to display themselves, feelings of jealousy crept into life, and it grew apparent to thoughtful and patriotic men, that if so unsettled a condition of affairs should long continue, the sword so lately sheathed would be drawn again for the still more melancholy purpose of fraternal war. It was, therefore, resolved that a convention should be called to amend the articles of confederation under which the Union existed.

These "articles of confederation" were similar as a framework of government to the Constitution which followed and continues. The States, retaining each of them its own government for its domestic purposes, deputed to a central body, the Congress, the charge of all those matters of a general nature, which could be regulated best by a common agent. To Congress was accorded the power of declaring war and making peace, of entering into treaties and alliances, of regulating the coinage, of establishing a postage system, of borrowing money, of equipping a navy, and appointing all officers in the Federal service; and the respective States were forbidden to undertake any of these acts. Congress had also to execute the functions of a court of final appeal in all disputes between the States. It appointed a permanent committee, under a president of its own

selection, and through this committee performed the executive duties of Government.

These articles are entitled "perpetual," and it is enacted in Art. 13, "And the Union shall be perpetual." The general government was also supreme in its own department; for Art. 13 enacts: "Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this Confederation are submitted to them." This was clearly a provision necessary to avert confusion, and yet, notwithstanding its terms, we find it expressly declared in Art. 2: "Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence."

The Convention called for the purpose of amending these Articles, which met at Philadelphia on the 14th May, 1787, was attended by twelve of the thirteen States, one of them, Rhode Island, declining to take part in the proceedings. It was presided over by Washington, and Franklin gave to it the venerable sanction of his presence. It contained the most eminent men of the country, and few political assemblies have ever comprised, within numbers so limited, an equal amount of talent. Delegates were appointed to it by each State, without restriction as to number, but each delegation gave but one vote. Debating the subject as between themselves, the members finally appeared as the

decision of its

vote of their

State. The Convention sat with closed doors; the members were forbidden to take extracts

from the journals, and were enjoined to absolute

secrecy.

The debates were long and arduous, for the difficulties of the subject were all but insuperable. Each State was a sovereign power, and it was the duty of its Commissioners to consult its special interests before any other consideration. And the elements of conflict were numerous, for there were small States confronting the larger-maritime interests competing with agricultural-States exclusively Atlantic against those having Western territory-slave States and those expecting soon to be free; and on the leading questions these various interests contended, each for itself, with a tenacity proportionate to the critical nature of the decisions to be formed. On more than one occasion, the Convention was on the point of breaking up in despair. Eventually, step by step, the various clauses were arranged by a series of compromises, which have remained the incongruities and bane of the Constitution.

The decisions of the Convention were not to be final or binding upon any State, until ratified by its own people. It was anticipated there would be great difficulty in obtaining these ratifications; and provision was made that the new Constitution the re come into force, limited in operation to any of these whenever nine of the thirteen States the functions of fied it. The people of each State putes between the n, to which the decision was nent committee, unfether to accept or reject it, so

far as that State was concerned. There was no direct action of the people in the nature of a popular vote; nor were the respective Conventions elected by any uniform or unqualified suffrage. They met at various dates, without any co-operation. Severe contests occurred in many cases. New York ratified by a majority of three only; in Massachusetts the votes were 187 to 168; North Carolina declined to act; Rhode Island continued aloof altogether.

It will be necessary to keep these facts in view, in weighing the arguments of those who deny the right of secession. The whole of them appear to be taken from Webster's speech on the nullification of South Carolina, one of the finest examples of rhetorical power in our language, yet obviously the address of an advocate; singularly forcible in language, not less barren in facts; based on epithets, parts of sentences, informal phrases— these used with consummate ability, as the narrow foundation for so imposing a superstructure of rhetoric, and so sonorous a volume of eloquence as overwhelm the hearer, and sweep the judgment from historical records of undisputed authenticity.

These arguments, whenever used, are accompanied by glowing descriptions of the progress and prosperity of the Union, and by appeals to Nationality. The rapid extension of the United States has produced, of late years, a new school of political belief. Under its influence a wide change has occurred from the views of those who framed

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