any clique, powerful enough to be worth bribing, by submission to a measure such as this?

For the spirit of this tariff, it is not difficult to account; but it seems necessary to inquire, what will explain the blunders with which it is replete, and the absence of all judgment or ordinary intelligence, in framing a law so important and critical. It will not require to go far, to see why this should be so. In this country, legislation on important subjects, is preceded by diligent inquiries of a Committee of the House of Commons, who patiently take down evidence, and collect facts. In other words, legislation is based upon knowledge. In France, when the late treaty was under consideration, all present at the meetings of the "Conseil Supérieur," were impressed with the admirable care taken, to bring together the knowledge of those versed in each subject; to accumulate the materials, that might afterwards be weighed, and balanced, in order to the formation of sound judgment. Let us contrast with either of these, the mode of passing a bill of this difficult and important nature, in the United States.

The title of the Morrill tariff commences, "An Act, to provide for the payment of outstanding treasury notes, to authorize a loan," &c., &c. How come matters, so entirely distinct, to be mixed with the details of a tariff, of necessity complex enough when alone? Because the bill is a specimen of that original species of American legisla

tion known as "log-rolling." The meaning of the phrase is this," You, help to roll my log, and I'll help to roll yours." When two logs are put into one bill, there are, at once, two classes interested in its success. Each may, and frequently does, exceedingly dislike his friend's log; but this is a tame feeling, as compared with interest in his own. The one, is a question of his own private advantage, whilst the other, concerns nothing beyond the mere public. There is, however, a difficulty in the way of this contrivance, if too much time be afforded. Some one who is not of the compact, may be officious enough to separate the logs; or their united strength may be doubtful against a strong opposition, if there be time for thorough investigation. It follows that a "log-rolling" bill, has many more chances of getting through, by rushing" it. This means, to keep it back till the last few days of the session, and then, amidst a crowd of other measures, by dint of vehemence, under cover of confusion, and with the powerful aid of the "lobby," to rush it through. This bill was rushed. Its fate was very doubtful; there was a very strong opposition. But there was the other log in it. If rejected, it was now too late to bring in a fresh measure, to provide for the treasury notes, and the loan, and thus many were driven to support it, in order to avert the injury of stopping the wheels of government. Under such a system, any consultation with practical, or commercial men, any thoughtful consideration of the

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vast interests affected-these things were out

of place. None were more amazed, or SO thoroughly dismayed, at the passing of the Act, as the merchants of New York; none were more incredulous, than the Americans residing in London and Liverpool, most of whom, scouted the idea of such a measure being inflicted on the community. Is it wonderful, that the people of the South should object, to be governed after this manner?

This tariff, indeed, has not been defended in this country-that could hardly be attempted; it has been excused, on the plea that it could only be regarded as an act of eccentric fatuity, and that it would be rectified, immediately upon Congress assembling again. Congress has assembled, and has added to the measure, but in the opposite direction by rendering it more restrictive and protective than before. Here, then, we have the most modern specimen of American legislation, and a complete illustration of some of the results of those institutions. What conviction forces itself upon the mind? We are considering what the Union really is-its intrinsic, not its reputed value. These are some of its fruits. Strong evidence it is, to what extent eighty years of its working, have debilitated legislative talent. What a declension is here from the capacity and from the justice of Washington's age! It is plainly apparent, that the institutions of the Union, have either extinguished political ability and

judgment, or banished them from the government, delivering up the destinies of a magnificent empire into the hands of those, whose inexperience, incapacity, and self-seeking, are displayed in legislation such as this.

An American writer, in extenuation of the Northern party, has recently offered another excuse. Admitting, as he does, that the affair was a bribe, given to induce the State of Pennsylvania to change sides, he allows for it, on the ground that New England and New York, when they agreed to give the bribe, did not expect they would have to make the payment. They had not calculated on the Southern members being absent, and that this would enable the measure to pass. It was intended, therefore, both to bribe the State, and cajole it-to obtain the benefit, and escape the payment. We cannot see that this improves the affair. The State sold herself, and changed sides, and had a fair right to her price. When a bargain is based upon injustice to others, it does not seem to mend it, that the parties to it, should hope to delude each other. When making this arrangement, we are not told, how much thought was bestowed upon the interests of the Souththe intended victims-or whether much was given, to hundreds of manufacturers in this country, whose accustomed industry was to be paralyzed.

There are those who have argued, that, admitting all the follies of the measure, it could not have caused or influenced secession, inasmuch

as the movement of the cotton States had already occurred. But the border States were wavering in indecision, at the moment selected for this measure-selected by those, who ought to have been well aware of the protests of the South, of the pretext for their own revolution, and of the nullification within their own remembrance. The cotton States had indeed seceded previously; but why? Because, as we have seen, political power had passed into the hands of the North, and they anticipated from the change, an utter disregard of their interests, and a course of policy opposed to the spirit of the Constitution, and to their rights under it. Was it possible to offer to the world, more prompt or convincing proof, than this tariff affords, that their apprehensions were well founded?

The leading supporters of the Union, bring forward another argument. They say, granted all this, still the tariff question was no sufficient ground for breaking up the Union. No one appears to have made the assertion thus disputed. Revolutions are never the result of mercantile calculations alone. Material interests may be sacrificed, for very long periods, without provoking them, but all that time, the electric fluid will have been accumulating, though it seems to be generated at the instant of discharge. This is but one of the alleged grievances of the South, and of all the least exciting, for questions of political economy, address themselves to the reason