advantage.

The idea of a moderate system, generally beneficial to the industry of the country, without grievous hardship to any particular class, became altered into the reality of corrupt political bargains between special interests, to impose heavy taxation on all others, for their own profit.

The first contest of serious importance occurred in the year 1823. The duties imposed by the tariff of 1816 were highly protective, and under them the manufacturing interest had made great progress, and acquired considerable political strength. Instead of being contented with the advantages thus conferred, the first manifestation of this power was to demand still more protection. Accordingly, in the session of 1823, a large increase was proposed to many of the existing duties, and proposed in such manner that none could fail to discern the real object. The people of the South became reluctant to submit to the exaggeration of a system, which was assuming the reality of a tribute, to be paid by them for the benefit of the North. They resisted this increase of the duties, strenuously, but it was carried against them, though by bare majorities,—of 107 to 102 in the House of Representatives, and 25 to 21 in the Senate. It would have been impossible to carry it, but for an alliance of interests, on the "log-rolling" principle; such as we shall recognize when we come to the Morrill tariff. A presidential election was impending, and the interests of the general community, or the

principles of the Constitution, were equally disregarded in pursuit of party objects.

The political jobbery by which the measure was carried, was well known to all parties: such things are not secret in America. It was well known to the South, and did not tend to allay the general apprehension which now existed there, that step by step the system had stealthily grown up, until it had become a great political power, invariably to be exerted against their interests, and pushed to an extreme of gross injustice. In 1828, another struggle occurred, the effects of which have never been effaced. The interest now soliciting further protection was the manufacture of textile fabrics; but in order to obtain support against a strong opposition, other articles were admitted— the hemp of Kentucky, the lead of Missouri; so that it became a general bounty, to be paid by the agricultural interest, to the benefit of the manufacturers and their allies. On this occasion, in the debate in the House of Representatives, the opinions, and strong feeling of the people of the South, were expressed in the following terms, not a little remarkable in their prophetic allusion to an event occurring at the present day: "If the union of these States shall ever be severed, and their liberties subverted, the historian who records those disasters will have to ascribe them to measures of this description. I do sincerely believe that neither this government, nor any free government, can exist for a quarter of a century

under such a system of legislation. Its inevitable tendency is to corrupt, not only the public functionaries, but all those portions of the Union, and classes of society, who have an interest, real or imaginary, in the bounties it provides, by taxing other nations and other classes. It brings ambition, and avarice, and wealth, into a combination it is fearful to contemplate, because it is impossible to resist."

The truth of these words few will deny. It is now more than thirty years since they were uttered, during all which time this system has continued. The full term of a "quarter of a century" has therefore run out. In this contest of 1828, a prominent part was taken; indeed, the plan of the campaign was devised, by the State of Pennsylvania. We shall find the same State taking an equally distinguished lead on the present occasion. What her selfishness can be, and what is her sense of justice, the world knows already, in the wide association of her name with that of repudiation. In the Morrill tariff, we shall also find a rare specimen of her legislative ability.

The tariff came again under revision in 1832. On this occasion, in consequence of the excessive duties having produced a surplus of income, it was necessary to reduce them. It was now the object of the monopolists to contrive the reductions, so as not to diminish the bounties on manufactures. The injustice of this was so obvious that an arduous struggle ensued, the South contending

that the relief should be evenly distributed so as to affect all alike. The views entertained there were expressed by Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, in the following words: "I call upon gentlemen on the other side of the House to meet us in the true spirit of conciliation and concession. Remove, I earnestly beseech you, from among us, this never-failing source of contention. Dry up, at its source, this fountain of the waters of bitterness. Restore that harmony which has been disturbed, that mutual affection and confidence which have been impaired. And it is in your power to do it this day, by doing equal justice to all. And be assured that he to whom the country shall be indebted for this blessing, will be considered as the second founder of the republic. He will be regarded in all aftertimes as the ministering spirit, visiting the troubled waters of our political dissensions, and restoring to the element its healing virtue." But what effect could such appeals have on a majority impelled by mercenary interests? The act passed, in all its injustice, to be followed by consequences little foreseen.

Throughout the whole of the South this tariff was regarded with indignation; and this, in the State of South Carolina, found a vent in very determined measures. A convention was called by her people, which proceeded to pass an ordinance, declaring the tariff null and void, on the ground that Congress "had exceeded its just powers under the Constitution, which confers on

it no authority to afford such protection; and had violated the true meaning and intent of the Constitution, which provides for equality in imposing the burthens of taxation upon the several States." It happened that at this critical period, the presidential chair was occupied by a man of great natural vigour and resolution-Jackson, who throughout the danger displayed sound judgment. The tariff had been passed in opposition to his views, being himself a Southerner. Whilst he at once condemned, in able terms, the conduct of the State, he at the same time introduced into Congress a bill to remove the grievance. This bill slumbered in the house for some time; but at length news arrived that South Carolina was arming her militia, and preparing for defence. On this a measure was introduced by Mr. Clay, and pushed through with unprecedented rapidity, by an evasion of the rules. It effected a large though gradual reduction of the duties upon manufactures; and by this concession the danger was averted. South Carolina was satisfied with it, and the crisis passed

away.

That the State was right, so far as justice is concerned, few will now deny. It is admitted by the ablest Northern writers of the present day. Indeed, the injustice of the duties imposed was subsequently proved in a remarkable manner; for, even at the reduced rates, they still produced an excess of income, and led to a surfeit of the treasury, which became a perplexing difficulty.

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