reign. It had disappointed his scheme of subjugating England. It had augmented her maritime power; it had secured the means uf universal deliverance from his yoke, for it had frustrated the project of annihilating the intercourse of nations. That interdict was now confined to the miserable coun. tries within his reach, and he would himself speedily find, that it was impossible to withhold from them the benefits of Nature. Such was bview of the importance of this measure of government; but if their lordships should decide otherse, and say that ministers had no right to act upon precaution, what would be the consequence? That in no future time would any set of masters feel themselves justified to take measures beforehand, for the prevention of any danger that threared us, however formidable, if thereby they were to interfere with the rights of neutrals, or of nations net actually engaged in open war against us. He deprecated such a decision as the greatest calamity that could befal the country.

Lord Hutchinson said, he had Leard much eloquence to little purpose, and he regretted to see the noble marquis's talents applied in so bad a cause. He had failed in proving that Zealand could not have been effectually defended, even if the French were in possession of Helstein and Jutland. He was of opinion, that, even supposing the French to have been in posseson of Holstein and Jutland, that still Zealand might have been defeaded with elcctagainst the French arms. He had been employed on a very important mission, and he thought it the more necessary to say something respecting that mis sion, in consequence of partial exwacts from his letters having been

communicated in another place, by which he had been held out as giv ing opinions which were never delivered by him. The Russian army in Poland never amounted to more than 70,000 men, with the exception of two detached divisions, amounting to about 30,000. The French troops were estimated at 150,000. From the disasters sustained by the former and after the unfortunate battle of Friedland, the loss of the Russians amounted to 40,000 men, they lost also 1898 officers, and 29 generals! He was then perfectly convinced that Russia must make peace with France. He denied the existence of any necessity to treat the Danes with hos tility, or to suspect their want of good faith, and contended, that so far from its being a measure of wisdom and security, it was the very reverse of those positions, and had plunged us unnecessarily into a war with Russia, who, up to the period of the attack on Copenhagen, was firm to her alliance; but from that moment she resolved on hostilities, and would have instantly declared against the outrage, had she not felt that it was her interest to be silent till she got her fleets inco ports of safety, two of which, in case of a rupture, were at the mercy of England.

[Here his lordship detailed the conversations he had with the emperor of Russia.]

These conversations, his lordship concluded, were of the greatest importance with respect to the views and sentiments of the Russian government, being held, not with any minister, but with the head of the government, with the. emperor of Russia himself, and from them, his lordship observed, he conceived himself justified in drawing the conclusion that the attack on Co

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penhagen had materially changed the relations between this country and Russia. He had seen the most atrocious libels against the emperor of Russia, tending to set up that monarch as a mark of indignation and reproach, and even to raise his own subjects against him. These libels were published in this country, and could not be sufficiently reprobated. The noble lord had treated lightly the opinion expressed in Europe respecting the expedition to Copenhagen, but he was certain that that opinion was highly unfavourable to this country, particularly in the north of Europe, nor did he conceive that that expedition had been justified by the arguments used by the noble lord.

Lord Erskine spoke on the same side, in a speech of considerable length and ability. He said that England had hitherto been considered as the conservators of the laws of nations, but he feared the character of the country for good faith and justice was lost, and that we had humbled and degraded ourselves in the eyes of Europe. Ministers had introduced a new code of ethics, and, by imitating revolutionary France, had incurred the odium of all the civilized nations of Europe. France had made the supposed secret articles of Pilnitz a cause for going to war with this country, and now England made the supposed secret articles of Tilsit a cause for going to war with all the world. He denied the proposition, that we had gained security by seizing the Danish fleet; on the contrary, it was more calculated to produce our destruction, as it had for ever destroyed our honour and faith amongst nations. As to the necessity, that he would deny too, and though he should admit that it might be expedient to pull

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down our neighbour's house to secure the neighbourhood, when a fire raged in the vicinity, yet it was not expedient to do so when that fire was miles off, or perhaps had not broke out, but was only threatened by an incendiary. short, the act could not be defended, and he hoped to God “evenhanded Justice would not return the poisoned chalice to our own lips." While he was on that part of his subject, he could not help referring to a case in history, the more analogous, as it respected the Danes. In the time of king Ethelred, it was imagined that Sweyn, the king of Denmark, and Otave, king of Norway, meant to make a descent on England; it was therefore suggested, as an expedient to national security, that every Dane in the island should be put to death. The sanguinary measure was approved, and on the day the unsuspecting Danes were celebrating the anniversary of their saint, they were all, men, women, and children, savagely butchered. Sweyn, exasperated at this act of inhumanity and injustice, though he had entertained no such intention before, landed an army in Great Britain, and after a dreadful and bloody retaliation, in which branch of the royal family was butchered in the presence of its parent, conquered the kingdom, and held possession from the Saxons for 40 years afterwards. But to return to the subject matter in discussion-ministers had seized the Danish fleet, and had taken ten sail of the line into the British service, and yet, as if ashamed of the original transaction, they had changed their names, as gipsies do children when they steal them! His lordship then went into a very elaborate review of the doctrines laid down by wri

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ters on the law of nations, to prove that ministers had violated all the established and known principles on that head, and concluded by saying, that the attack on Denmark could neither be justified by state necessity or national security, and that the act would probably stand for ever unparalleled for nafonal bad faith, and unprovoked violence and injustice!

Lord Borringdon spoke in justification of the measure.

Lord Buckinghamshire said, that what we had gained in point of strength, we had lost in national character. He feared this country would have cause to lament the capture of the Danish feet.

Lord Harrowby justified the measure, and said, if Bonaparte had declared his intention of seizing the Danish fleet, and of turning it against the shores of Great Britain and Ireland, and such declaration had reached the ears of ministers, they would have deserved the execration of their sovereign and the country at large, if they had hesitated for a moment in endeavouring to thwart the enemy in such his intention. In short, the security of the country rendered the measure indispensable, and they were every way justified in what they had done.

Earl Moira rose and said, if he was to consider seriously all the transactions of government relative to the late expedition to the Baltic, he should think that the principles of public faith and national honour had been deserted for the adoption of principles which we had so often reprobated in the French ruler. A ble marquis (Wellesley) had ridiculed the supposition that the army of Denmark was to be stationed in Holstein, to oppose the French troops on their way to attack Co

parte. If the Danish navy had been seized by the French, the event could not have affected our dearest rights in the manner the attack on Copenhagen had. He wished the noble lords who attempted to justify the expedition had made out a case by the production of documents necessary for their defence; but it was only suspicion which they had advanced in vindication of their conduct. He was confident the voice of the country condemned those who proposed the expedition! It had been said by a noble marquis, that war in all countries entailed misfortunes on the inhabitants; but this expedition entailed worse calamities than any yet described. When the island of Zealand was attacked, parents were seen weeping over their murdered children, mothers in agonizing tortures, and scenes of distress witnessed sufficient to call forth sentiments of horror and commiseration. Those who had planned the expedition should have looked at the miseries likely to follow their orders; they should have felt for the situation of the sufferers. vernment had justified their conduct on the ground of security. He should like to hear what excuse a highwayman would make for firing into a coach occupied by wo

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The robber would probably say, that the guard would not permit them to get out and deliver

their property! The new doctrine of security and anticipation of danger might be used in support of vil any and brutality on any occasion. This act deprived the country of every possibility of a successful termination of the war. Russia, who before the expedition to Copenhagen was an enemy in point of form, was now an enemy in fact: and Sweden was not in a situation as secure as she was before the Danes were attacked.

Lord Hawkesbury never wished more to hear the sentiments of other noble lords upon any question that had been brought before their lordships, before delivering his own, than he did on the present occasion. He found himself called upon, how ever, to rise in this stage of the debate, not only because the measure now under consideration was one which he had a share in concerting, but because he had been accused of swerving from those great principles of morality and justice which were dearer to him than any interest on earth, and rather than deviate from which he would shed the last drop of his blood. In order to resolve this question satisfactorily, three points were to be considered-1st, Whether the enemy had the design of seizing upon the Danish fleet, and of converting it into an instrument of attack against this country.-2dly, Whether it was practicable for France to have obtained possession of the Danish fleetand, 3dly, Whether, supposing that such a design existed, and the execution of it was practicable, it was an object of sufficient magnitude to induce the government of this country to deviate from the ordinary rules of procedure, in order to frustrate it? Here his lordship made use of si milar arguments to those urged by

marquis Wellesley, and concluded by declaring it his opinion that the expedition was necessary for the salvation of the country.

Earl Grey observed, that ministers, so far from having saved the country by their expedition to Copenhagen, had deeply injured its honour, and consequently endangered its safety. It had been said by the noble lord who spoke lately, that it was the main object of France to combine against us all the navies of Europe; and that she entertained that design in regard to the fleet of Denmark. He was far from disputing the ambitious designs of France; but, in order to establish the other point, it was necessary to show either that Denmark was unable or unwilling to maintain her neutrality. It was the interest and the duty of this country to lend its aid to the defence of Zealand, and that, together with the force of Sweden, would have rendered the defence effectual. There was no ground for supposing therefore any inability on the part of Denmark to defend her insular territories. was of importance then to inquire whether she was disposed to avail herself of those means of defence which she might have had, or tamely to submit to France. On this point he could refer to the dispatches of Mr. Garlicke, the British envoy at the court of Denmark, a person of the greatest merit, and held in the highest estimation during his residence at Copenhagen. In these dispatches he had represented the crown prince and his ministers as having a spirit that would reject with disdain every de mand on the part of France to surrender their fleet! When on this subject, he must observe, that a dispatch of his own, which he had sent to our envoy at Copenhagen,

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