heartfelt regret, at the measures that night under consideration. Mr. Milnes, Mr. Foster, lord Palmerstone, and Mr. Morris vindicated the measure. Mr. Bathurst spoke against it. Mr. Lyttleton was in favour of it-after which Mr. Whitbread, having noticed Mr. Littleton's mode of justifying ministers, said, the right honourable secretary asserted there was not a man in the country who was not satisfied of the expediency of the expedition to Copenhagen. He was sorry to differ with the right honourable gentleman, and he was convinced that the country would feel the falsehood and delusion of the assertion, and the wretched and puerile effort by which it was attempted to justify this violent and incipled measure. He could Lot help saying, that the right honourable secretary and his colleagues were so completely at variance in the manner in which they have endeavoured to justify this act, and so contradictory and inconsistent withthemselves, that one was at a loss which of their stories to believe. They were like a set of witnesses who had agreed among themselves to tell the same story, but, when afterwards examined in separate rooms, varied in their evidence. He then took notice of the variance between the statements in the king's speech and those since made by the ministers. His majesty was made to say, that the powers of Europe had combined to form a confederacy against us; but the right honourable gentleman in his speech stated, that Denmark, one of these powers, was in a connivance with France against this country. And our naval and mi. litary commanders, who led the late expedition, in their proclamations recommended it to Denmark not to listen to cruel advisers. Without going into the various details of contradictory statements, he would take it as a fact, that Denmark did wish to continue in a state of neutrality; and he desired ministers to give some more information. Let Mr. Garlicke be called to the bar of the house, and say what he knew of the disposition of the Danish court. He surely was in no danger of being seized by Bonaparie. Let the whole of lord Hutchinson's letters be laid before the house. Let lord Granville Leveson Gower state what he knew of the disposition of Russia. A heavy charge was made by Russia against this country, for not affording her any cooperation during the campaign in Poland. Now, was there any foundation for the reproaches of baron Budberg? Every body knew that a force of 10 or 20,000 men, exposed, as they must be, to certain destruction, could never have averted the fatal battle of Friedland. But, if ministers were in possession of the secret articles in the treaty of Tilsit, why did they not produce them? It had been said that a hostile mind existed in Russia against this country; and that she would seize on the Danish navy. "Now," continued Mr. Whit bread, "I ask ministers, whether it was known to them that Russia was hostile to this country previously to the attack on Copenhagen? (Mr. Canning answered across the table, Yes.) I am not," replied Mr. Whitbread, "disposed to doubt that the right hon. gentleman thinks what he says is true; but let that be proved: let witnesses be examined as to the fact. Frequent mention had been made of the inveterate hostility of France; but what else could be expected from France except hostility? Thejendeavour onthe part of France to to combine all the powers of Europe against us, was no more unjustifiable than the attempt of this country to form combinations against France." It was, however, evident that Russia was hostile to this country after the attack on Copen bagen; and, on that account he totended, it was a meanness in this country to ask a power so hostle to us, to interfere for the purpose of making up the quarrel between us and Denmark. He was ready to admit, the right honourable gentleman had that night advanced strong reasons why an attack should not be made on Cronstadt. With respect to the value of the Danish ships, it was stated, in some accounts, that they were very good ships, because they stood the weather so well incoming home. -But it appeared from admiral Gambier's account, that it was necessary to repair some of them before they were putto sea. From the regularity and preparation in the Daish navy, an inference was drawn, that they were intended to be made use of against us. But it must appear to any person who ever visited Coperhagen, that, for fifty years past, it had been the practice of the Danes, a practice in which they prided themselves, to have their ships laid up in ordinary, in so complete a state of repair, that they could be fitted out in a very short time. But when we took the ships, we took the least cficient part of the Danish navy. We left behind 18,000 seamen, who would be ready to enter into the service of France: and France had ships enough for herself. The English acted like shabby thieves, they took only one half of their booty. Why was not the French property at Copenhagen seized also? The only effect of the expedition was, to arm the people of Denmark against us, and to shut us out from the Baltic trade; while Holland was entirely under the power of France, without the latter being at the expense of sending troops to conquer it. If the act in question was justified by necessity, he was ready to admit, that it was justified in morality, and in the sight of God. But it could not be justified. Ministers wanted to imitate the energies of France. How did they do that? France had shain a giant, and then England must go and kill an innocent helpless child. The question now was, not whether the expedition was justifiable, but whether that house was bound to give credit to the assertions of ministers, and whether it ought not to require more information. Lord Granville Levison Gower denied positively that the hostility of Russia was caused either by the neglect of England to send her succours, or by the attack on Copenhagen. The real cause of that hostility was the battle of Friedland. The moment the emperor Alexander arrived at Petersburg from Tilsit, after signing the peace with France, the first person he visited was his minister of marine; and the first order he afterwards gave, was to repair the batteries at Cronstadt. He had heard it said, that our attack on Copenha gen was a subject of reprobation among the people of the continent. For his own part, he could affirm, that almost all the people whom he conversed with in Russia approved it; because by that attack, they considered themselves as released from the danger to which they might otherwise be exposed, if the French were to make Sweden the highroad for marching into Russia. He thought sufficient explanation had been given on this subject; and would put it to any man who had ever been in a diplomatic capacity, whether the greatest inconvenience would not be produced by the disclosure of secret intelligence. He knew men who had objected to furnish him with such intelligence, because they did not know but the same might be exposed at some future period. Lord Castlereagh entered into a long justification of the Copenhagen expedition; and contended, that ministers ought not to be required to disclose the secret in'ormation they received. He described the various endeavours by his majesty's government to bring the court of Denmark to an explanation as to its views, but without effect; and drew a conclusion that the crown prince, in the whole of his conduct, had secretly favoured the views of France. He denied that Denmark was competent to defend itself against the power of France. With regard to the assertion that we ought to have remain ed in Copenhagen, he would inform the house, that government had given that question every discussion; and that the naval and military officers being consulted on the occasion, the result of their opinion was, that it would require a much larger force to keep possession of Zealand than this country could spare, and much greater than was then in Zealand. It was considered improper to call upon Sweden to contribute any troops for that purpose, because she must thereby be exposed to attack on the part of Prussia. It was also asked of the first naval authorities, whether the island could be surrounded by our vessels, so as to prevent an invasion on the part of the French? The report of admiral Keith was, that on the Jutland side there were seven or eight forts, in which troops to the amount of sixty thousand men might be collected; and that if the ninety pendants which were then flying round Zealand were to occupy the Belt, they must be five miles distant from each other; and as some of these might be driven from their stations, the French could, on that occasion, send over their forces, in the small craft, of which there was a sufficient number along the shores of Jutland. Mr.Lushington said: "In applying the laws of nations to the conduct of great Britain towards Denmark, the gentlemen on the oppoposite side of the house seem desirous of establishing a code of their own, separate from that law of nature, which (according to the best writers) is the very foundation of all the laws of nations. Their sentimental system would embrace all nations but their own. These ingenious disquisitions may be well calculated for the amusement of the school, but they are not fitted for the events of real life, or a state of ferocious war. Sir, the first law of nature, the foundation of the law of nations, is the preservation of man. It is on the knowledge of his nature that the science of his duty must be founded. When his feelings point out to him a mighty danger, and his reason suggests the means of avoiding it, he must despise the sophistical trifler, who tells him it is a moral duty he owes to others, to wait till the danger break upon his foolish head, lest he should hurt the meditated instrument of his destruction. Upon this general principle of the law of nations, I maintain the morality, and certainly the necessity, of the expedition against Copenhagen. I rejoice, sir, in the wisdom of those counsels which anticipated and have averted s danger. But I am astonished that any man in this house, or in any other, should doubt the reality of thar danger, when he recollects, that in confirmation of all the other evidence I have hinted, the prince of Portugal has been driven from his dominions, because he would not join in that confederacy with France, Russia, and Denmark. With this impression, sir, of the conduct of ministers, I am thankful to them for the great service they have rendered to the sate; and they may be assured that this feeg is general throughout the country. Let them proceed in the course they have already pursued, let them face unappalied the unnatural combination which is gathered around us, relying that the spirit of the people of England will keep pace with the energy of the government.' Sir Charles Price regarded the Copenhagen expedition not only as just and necessary, but as wisely planned and gloriously executed. Mr. Davies Giddy was sorry the information on which ministers had acted could not be laid before the house. However, as that was the case, he thought himself bound to acquiesce in the concealment which the government thought necessary. Mr. Grenville spoke in favour of the motion, and Mr. Ponsonby replied. Against it Majority 108 253 145 In the house of lords the duke of Norfolk on the 8th rose, and observed, that the question which he meant to bring forward, was one of the greatest importance, because it involved the deepest interests, the honour and glory of the British empire. But with a view of bringing the subject fairly before their lordships in every possible point of view, he should move that there be laid before the house copies of all proclamations issued by our military and naval commanders while before Copenhagen; also copies of all correspondence which passed between such commanders and the commanders at Copenhagen. It could not escape the observation of ministers, that when the expedition sailed, both the amount of the force, and the object in view, had excited the feelings of the country. It was natural for the people to suppose that such an attack would not have been made without strong reasons; he was sorry, however, to say, that the result proved how unfounded were such expectations; for instead of finding, upon the examination and after the production of such documents as his majesty's advisers chose to lay before the public, that direct hostility had been intended, or fraud practised against this country; on the contrary, it was manifest that the force of Denmark, relying on the good faith of this country, had actually been employed in Holstein to oppose Bonaparte, leaving Zealand naked and exposed to our attacks. Availing ourselves of this state of things, we certainly did, contrary to the conduct of a great and magnanimous nation, availing ourselves of the character which we had supported for honour and for good faith-contradict the opinion entertained by the court of Denmark; and, under the mask of friendship, committed an act which outraged every feeling of spirit and indpendence. Nay, more, our coduct exhibited an example sub petent to give a decisive judgment on the merits of the measure. It had now been so long before the public, that they had had full time and ample opportunity to make themselves masters of every part of the question. There were some things indeed so self-evident as to require no illustration from evidence, and this was one of them, for he wished them to consider it as an act of clear, manifest, imperious necessity, from which mi He 1st, That it was clearly the design of the French emperor to draw the court of Denmark into his plan of universa! maritime confederacy against England. versive of all the relations and laws by which civilized nations have been ever governed. He granted, that a possible case might arise for justifying such an act, but then it was incumbent on those who resorted to it, to make out and prove their case. If necessity was to be the plea or justification of ministers, for thus violating every principle, human and divine-if they depended on dire necessity, as their apology for departing from every w and every principle of recognisters could not abstain without nized right, then let them exhibit a dereliction of their duty. the proof of such necessity in one wished them to consider it in the way or o'her. But granting even following point of view:the necessity of the case is a criterion by which to judge of them, the policy of the measure, both gene. rally and particularly, should be taken into consideration. (Here his grace read extracts from his majesty's declaration, from which he inferred, as contrasted with the position and force of Denmark, that France could not, without the consent of the latter, get possession of Zealand.) His grace then moved for the copies already mentioned, and also for copies of such information as our ambassador at Copenha gen communicated on the disposition of the government of that country towards England. Also a copy of any information which had been received by ministers respecting the secret articles contaired in the treaty at Tilsit. These were papers and documents which he felt himself bound to call for, in support of the character, the honour, and integrity of the British empire. The marquis Wellesley opposed the motion, which he stated to be altogether unnecessary to the information of the house on the subject of the expedition to Copenhagen, as they were now fully com 2d, That the French emperor had the means of accomplishing this object. 3d, That the accomplishment of this object would have been most disastrous, if not fatal to Great Britain, and that the necessity of self-defence conferred the right of taking measures to secure our safety. The marquis after enlarging on these different heads, concluded his speech by a recapitulation of his arguments, and said, that in his opinion the design and power of France to compel Denmark to join the neutral league, were manifest. No further proof was necessary to illustrate these facts, and upon these facts he found it the right of Great Britain to secure itself against the danger of such a junction. The importance of the achievement was manifest by the indignation which the emperor of the French had be trayed on the event; it was the greatest disaster he had suffered since the commencement of his |