In the hands of an overruling Providence, we doubt not that the lust of dominion, which actuates every motion of Bonaparte, will eventually be advantageous to the world. His very thirst after power, and the method which he has taken to render himself absolute over al most the whole continent of Europe, may, and we hope will, be the means of limiting his government, and of exciting in the different kingdoms and states over which he holds a temporary reign, those discussions that shall even tually be favourable to the best interests of man. Should Spain succeed in thwarting his views, and driving back his mercenaries beyond the mountains, the apparently natural boundaries of the two countries, it will be a lesson of the highest importance to other countries who have been ranked higher in the scale of intellect than Spain. It cannot, however, be expected that the Spaniards and Portuguese should effect their deliverance with out a struggle; and it is hoped that they may calculate upon much evil as necessary to the establishment of their rights, as we do not, and they must not, imagine that their enemy will easily be baffled in his projects. They cannot suppose he will give up plans that he has once adopted, without sacrificing much treasure, and immolating at the shrine of his ambition thousands and thousands of his subjects. He, who never knew the ties of parental affection, will, to execute his purposes, deprive, without compas

sion or remorse, myriads of help less infants of their parents, the guides and the protectors of their lives.

We pretend not to anticipate the events of the remaining months of the year, but we hope, we ardently implore the great Ruler of the uni verse, that he may prosper the cause of those who are contending for their dearest rights, that he would bless the efforts that are making against the oppressions of the present ruler of France; and happy indeed shall we be, if the latter pages of this department of cur volume be written in the language of exultation for successes obtained by our allies, and by our own ar, mies who have gone forth in their support. As Englishmen, we have cause sufficient for humility, and just indignation at the convention made in Portugal; but we are quite sure that the abhorrence with which that is held by the whole country, without, we verily believe, a single dissentient voice, will for ever prevent a like stain from being impressed on the character of our military commanders. We would not, indeed, be hasty in censuring any man; we at present (October) are ignorant of the causes which led to the act, and therefore it would be unjust to assume any thing further than the hope that those who are guilty in the business may meet with punishment. The truth will scarcely be elicited till it be drawn forth in parliamentary discussion: those who have already for several weeks kept back the facts upon which the business is to be justified or condemned, will, no doubt, preserve the same dignified silence, as it has been termed, till the nation has, by its petitions and its representatives, demanded a full

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It was not till the 21st of January that the session of parliament was opened by commission, and his majesty's speech was read by the lord chancellor. This speech will be found at the commencement of the public papers: the greater part of it consisted in a recapitulation of the events that had occurred since the prorogation. It states that his majesty had been apprised of the enemy's intention, after the treaty of Tusit, to force the neutral powers into cooperation against this county, and to employ the whole naval force of Europe for that purpose, and particularly the fleets of Portugal and Denmark. On this ground it justifies the proceedings relative to those countries. It mentions that the enemy's attempts to excite hostilities between his majesty and his late allies have been too successful with respect to Russia, Austria, and Prussia; and that the ministers from those powers have demanded and received their passports. It laments that his ma jesty has not been able to terminate the war with Turkey; but applauds the firmness of the king of Sweden in adhering to his alliance with this country. The speech then adverts to the rejection of the treaty of amity and commerce by the United

States of America; and on this subject it affirms, that "for an unauthorised act of force committed against an American ship of war, his majesty did not hesitate to offer immediate and spontaneous repara. tion." It speaks of the pretensions made by the American government inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain, which his majesty is determined never to admit it nevertheless expresses a hope that the subsisting difficulties of discussion may be removed. It then alludes to the measure of retaliation which had been resorted to in consequence of the French decree of blockade, and which would require parliamentary aid for their full operation. To the house of commons the speech states such an increase in the produce of the permanent and temporary revenues, as lead to the hope that it may be possible to raise the supplies for the year without any material addition to the public burthens. It concludes with asserting, that the sole object of the war is the attainment of a secure and honourable peace, but which can only be negotiated upon a footing of perfect equality. The eyes of Europe," says the speech, "and of the world are fixed upon the British parliament. If, as his majesty confidently trusts, you display, in this crisis of the fate of the country, the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and face unappalled the unnatural combination which is gathered around us; his majesty bids us to assure you of his firm persuasion, that, under the blessing of divine Providence, the struggle, will prove ultimately successful and glorious to Great Britain.”

As soon as the speaker and the house of commons had withdrawn, and the speech was read according to the usual forms,

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