144. CONCLUSION.

Our space has not permitted an extended discussion of Democratic principles, or the basis upon which they rest, nor fully to develop those of an adversary character. We have done little more than to state them, and give a limited number of illustrations showing their consequences-the practical action naturally flowing from them. These principles cannot be equally effective in promoting the happiness of mankind. One must be superior to the other, or both would be of equal merit and value. We have endeavored to show that Democratic principles are vastly superior to those of an opposite character in their effects upon the human family. The fruit they bear furnishes the true test of superiority. It is not our purpose to affirm that all Democrats always do right, and their adversaries always wrong. The reverse may sometimes be true. But we do affirm that, when Democrats faithfully and understandingly carry out the principles of their party, they will then do what is best for the whole, and that, when the opposite principles are followed to their natural results, they will inflict evils upon them greatly diminishing the common happiness. Democrats may err, or fail to follow where their principles lead; and, when they do, they forget their duty, and wrong triumphs. The same is true of Christianity. Anti-Democrats may, when not following where their own principles lead, do most worthy acts. When such things occur it is owing to surrounding circumstances, and not to their principles, that they espouse the right. Such exceptions may occur, but they are too infrequent to impair a general rule.

Our own history proves the truth of our theories. Since the organization of the Democratic party, in 1800, Democratic principles have triumphed and been the rule, of action for fifty-two years, and anti-Democratic only sixteen. Most of the time during these sixteen years the people sustained the Democracy against the Administration of their opponents. No nation on earth has prospered like ours when the Democrats were in power. The administrations of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Van Buren, Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan, have been unparalleled in pros

perity and unequalled in promoting happiness. Mr. John Quincy Adams's administration, distinguished for his effort to build up internal improvements by the Federal Government, produced no special benefits to mankind. Those who brought Harrison and Tyler into power claim no special merits as resulting therefrom. Taylor and Fillmore, though respectable, conferred nothing of peculiar usefulness upon the people. Lincoln gave us the war, our public debt, and a demoralized country, with no special benefits. It is to the Democratic administrations alone that we must look for our growth and prosperity, peace and happiness, and that simply by giving the people the protection of the Constitution and laws, and allowing them to pursue their industry and seek happiness in their own way. Here lies the secret of our wonderful prosperity, our growth and progress, which astonish the world. The prosperity under the Adams, Harrison, Tyler, and TaylorFillmore administrations, as far as it existed, was the result of letting the people alone, leaving them to work out their own prosperity and happiness, and not the fruit of anti-Democratic principles. The forcing system, compelling the people to follow where others direct, has never succeeded well in the United States, and never will. The people are wiser than their public agents, and best know how to make themselves happy, and will do so if the laws protect them and they are let alone.

There rests upon every individual two great duties from which he cannot rightfully release himself; he owes them to his country, to his kindred, and his fellow-men. The one is to watch over and participate in our public affairs, and use all lawful and reasonable exertions to secure their safe, constitutional, and wise management, and the other to devote the residue of his energies to the management of his private affairs and promote their prosperity, to the end that he may be personally independent, and be able to supply the wants of those dependent upon him, and also to add to the stock of accumulated wealth of the country, so that our nation may command that standing and position abroad that will command universal respect. The faithful performance of these duties are leading guaranties in favor of Democratic principles.

We have given brief sketches of leading events and prominent officials in the Federal Government and of New York. This we have endeavored to do impartially and truthfully. If we have erred, it has been unintentional. To politicians we have assigned such motives as their acts, in our opinion, warrant, and, as we believe, actuated them. We do not expect universal concurrence in these by our political adversaries; but that an impartial jury, from the testimony, would arrive at the same conclusion we think certain, and we are confident history will confirm our impressions. If we are wrong, it is no fault of ours, but is imputable to those who have talked and acted in a manner leaving no possible grounds for a different conclusion. If they were not chargeable with the intentions and motives we impute, the fault was theirs in furnishing false indexes to their purposes, which could not be made to mean any thing else. They should have presented the real instead of a false face. We believe they did exhibit truly what they intended, and so we have written, and have drawn the natural conclusions. It is their fault, and not ours, if we have made a mistake.

We have unhesitatingly declared laws and acts to be in violation of the Constitution when we believed them to be so. For these opinions we alone are responsible, although the ablest jurists of the Union concur with us in asserting most of them. We believe, from full consideration of the facts, that since the Republican party came into power, they have used greater exertions in violating than in sustaining the Constitution, and we believe the courts will so determine when permitted to act.

The political principles put forth are those which we believe have the full approbation of the great body of the Democratic party, if not of every member of it. We know of no dissenters who do not, in fact, belong to the other side.

We have given some of the pending issues which are to be tried by the people next fall, and upon the determination of which our future well-being as a nation depends. If determined against the Democracy, the clouds of adversity will shut down around us, and a surging chaos and a night of despair be upon us. If the people are true to themselves, to the Constitution, and to what

is due to future generations, they will be decided in their favor, and days of clear skies, and bright sunshine, and prosperity, will dawn upon and enliven us for long years to come. Hope, the mother of much happiness, bids us be cheerful, for success, being deserved, will surely, at no distant day, follow. We expect it, but it will not come without proper and efficient exertions. We cannot ask a blessing upon our works until we perform them, and then we may fairly expect it.

We also give the expenses of the Federal Government for each year since its organization, which shows its former economy and present extravagance. We also call the attention of our readers to the signs of the times, and the dangers threatening our rights and liberties.

We also furnish an exhibit of the Public Debt, and show what taxation is necessary to keep down the interest. It is apparent that, without a diminution of our expenses—a thing not expected while the Republicans are in power-this debt never can be paid. Our only hope rests in restoring the Government to Democratic hands, disbanding the five needless Southern armies, and bringing the Government back to the economy of former days. The Federal Government must be brought down to the simple machine its framers contemplated, or our enormous debt can never be extinguished by payment.

APPENDIX.

143.-THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION.

KNOWING that the Constitution is not accessible to most people, we give it entire, as it now exists. We advise our readers to study it carefully, and to reflect thoroughly upon its provisions, and hold their public agents to a strict accountability under it. It is the sheet-anchor of their safety.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

WE, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I.

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Rep resentatives.

Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such