among the laws, he began to throw off restraint, and act in a manner deemed disrespectful. It also became known that he had failed to bring to the notice of Mr. Johnson a dispatch addressed to him, which, if he had done so, would have enabled him to give instructions that would have prevented the New Orleans riots. In view of these and other things, Mr. Johnson suspended him from office-reporting the suspension, and the reasons for it, to the Senate. He placed General Grant in charge of the department as acting Secretary. It was arranged with the latter, that if he was not willing to retain the office so as to allow the courts to determine Mr. Stanton's right to return, Grant should vacate in season to enable Mr. Johnson to appoint some one who would. Grant fixed upon the time of calling to inform Mr. Johnson what course he had determined to take. But he failed to fulfil this promise, although he had advised that the proper course was to go to the courts to have the question of the validity of the Tenure-of-Office Bill settled by the judiciary. In excusing himself for not conforming to the direction and his promise to the President, he foolishly entangled himself in inexcusable falsehoods. It has now become quite apparent that, from the beginning, he has been acting under the direction of Mr. Stanton, and in aid of his purposes, and that he has been made the tool of Congress to aid in their schemes. The Senate did not concur in Mr. Stanton's suspension. With an utter disregard of the interests of the army and the country, the Senate seek to force him upon the President as a member of the Cabinet, with whom he holds no intercourse, and with whom he is not even on speaking terms. It is the first time in the world that a legislature has attempted to force a spy upon a chief magistrate as a counsellor. Of course insubordination reigns through the whole army, beginning with General Grant and the Secretary, and extending to the lowest subordinates. The question naturally arises, What is the object of Mr. Stanton in clinging to the War Department? He said, when asked to resign, that considerations of public policy required him not to comply. This was simply egotistical impudence-too absurd even to be ridiculous. All know it to be true that there are many other men who are as honest, talented, and capable of

managing the affairs of the department, and as competent to advise the President in council as Mr. Stanton. If so, then it must be true that some other considerations induced his action. It is not true that the public good can be promoted by his remaining a member of a Cabinet which he never attends, simply because he is not wanted. Nor does he advise with the President or his colleagues, they having no respect for his opinions or purposes. He has never attempted to explain how the public service can be promoted by his struggle to hold office; nor what his political friends intended to have him do by remaining. Every public consideration is in favor of his quitting an office where he is on ill-terms with the chief under whom he serves, and with those about him, in consequence of which he acts without authority and advice. The circumstances warrant the belief that he has acted in concert with those in Congress who wish to thwart President Johnson in every way possible, in order to deprive him of his just powers and influence. They desire to force him to retain those Republicans in office who most fiercely denounce him. They insist that he shall appoint from the same class. They are also deeply solicitous to retain in office one who will deal kindly with their friends who wish to put their hands into the Treasury, but are more anxious to secure the power and influence of the department at the next fall election. We have no doubt of the existence of these purposes and wishes. If personally popular, it might be expected that Mr. Stanton was looking to a nomination for the presidency. But so bitter and intense is the feeling against him, even by many Republicans, that no one will imagine that he could be elected. Few civilians, and fewer still of the army, speak even respectfully of him. It therefore seems certain that he is playing a part for the benefit of those resorting to every possible means to retain the political power of the country in the hands of the Republican party.

Since writing the above, Mr. Johnson has consulted the true interests of the country, and vindicated his own constitutional rights, by doing what he ought to have done years ago, in removing Mr. Stanton from office. He directed the Adjutant-General, Lorenzo Thomas, to take charge of the department. But Sen

ators and members of Congress rushed to the department and advised him to hold on and not yield up the office, and he has refused to do so, staying there night and day, eating and sleeping in the department. He made a criminal complaint and had General Thomas arrested for accepting the appointment of acting Secretary, although he took no proceedings against General Grant, who acted under such an appointment for months. This interference of members of both Houses of Congress proves that Stanton was acting in concert with them. The President had an undoubted right to remove without the consent of the Senate— every President has exercised that right, and no one to so great an extent as Mr. Lincoln, whose nominations to fill the places of removed officials the Senate has confirmed by thousands. These removals were, to a great extent, made on the request of Senators and members. Probably there is not one Rebublican in either end of the capitol who has not made requests of this character.

Mr. Stanton is upheld in his struggle to remain in office by the whole Republican party. The Senators who declared it would be disgraceful to hold on, when the President desired a member of his Cabinet to quit, now approve the course which he pursues. Senators, who are now in session and trying the President for this removal, have been to the department and encouraged him to "stick" to an office, the duties of which he cannot half perform without consulting the President. Instead of the conspiracy which they charge against the President being true, it is now perfectly apparent that both Houses of Congress have conspired with Stanton to continue him in office against the Constitution and laws, and also against the best interests of the country. Mr. Stanton is wasting millions upon millions of public money, mostly in aid of the schemes of the Republican party to perpetuate its power, and control the business and politics of the country.

No man in this or any other country has pursued so reckless a course to continue in office, or has more abused his official power. No man has ever so perfectly blended tyranny and cowardice. He tyrannizes wherever he dares do so, and shows that he is personally afraid of shadows. He dare not walk abroad like a just man, but is hemmed around with bayonets, which no man

honestly performing his duties ever needed. He is the head and front of the spy system which pervades our country at an enormous expense, not authorized by the Constitution and laws, nor required by any interest or the good sense of the people. He and General Grant are linked together with hooks of steel, and engaged in the same raid upon the people's rights and the Treasury, as our public accounts will show. They are both the tools of the Republican party and used for the same purposes, and acted in quiet and perfect harmony when the latter was performing the duties of Secretary of War ad interim.

134.-SLANDER AS POLITICAL CAPITAL.

Slander has formed a portion of the political capital of the enemies of the Democracy in all past time. It was resorted to for the purpose of driving Washington from the head of the army, and to keep Jefferson from being elected and reëlected President, and Madison from becoming his successor. The direct slanders upon Jefferson and Madison would fill several large volumes. In time, so many of these had been proved to be false, that people began to doubt and then to disbelieve what was put forth against the Democracy. It was not enough to slander General Jackson, but his revilers assailed his wife long after she was in her grave. Neither Mr. Van Buren nor Mr. Polk escaped the shafts of his political enemies. Nor did Mr. Pierce escape. It was left for

Mr. Buchanan to receive more than a double share. New terms of slander were invented and applied. He was called "copperhead," rebel, traitor, secessionist, and disloyal. How far these epithets were believed by those using them is shown by the action of the Legislature of Massachusetts about the time of his going out of office as President, when they unanimously declared that they regarded with unmingled satisfaction the determination evinced in his then recent special message to amply and faithfully discharge his constitutional duty of enforcing the laws and preserving the integrity of the Union. Nothing could be more explicit or true.

When the war commenced, the system of slander became enlarged and intensified, and reached not only leading Democratic

politicians, but the whole party as a body and all its members in detail. The Republicans erected a standard of comparison, composed exclusively of themselves, and required all mankind to conform to it, or be consigned to the ranks of "traitors," "rebels," and "disloyalists," "having no rights that Republicans were bound to respect." For the first time a political Administration was treated as the Government and the people were ignored; every one who did not approve of the acts of the Administration was denounced as disloyal and an enemy to the Union. Entering the army, fighting and losing limbs, or even life, could not remove the stain of disloyalty for questioning the wisdom, honesty, and prudence of the President, his advisers, and Congress. The Republicans assumed to sit in judgment upon every man they knew or heard of, and fixed his status before the world. He must not only agree with the Administration and Congress, but he must conform to the changes which almost daily occurred in their standard of faith and action. Even the insignificancy of a man did not insure him against a military prison. Spies were dogging the heels of every man. Sufficient "black-mail" made the contributor loyal, and the want of it usually sent him to prison as disloyal, a rebel, or a traitor.

No fidelity or vigilance could supply the place of the subserviency demanded. It was assumed that no Democrat performed his duty to the country or gave efficient aid in the war, and that whatever was actually done was by Republicans. If a riot occurred it was charged as the work of the Democrats, and that Democratic officials did not perform their duty in suppressing it. It was charged against Governor Seymour that he had been dilatory in sending New York troops to the field. But the records of the times show that he sent troops to Washington before any Republican State. His men were the first there. He complied with every requisition upon New York for men more promptly than any Republican State in the Union. He was never behind an hour. It was a deep mortification to the War Department that he ferreted out its wrong decisions, and especially in making distribution under different calls, and requiring at its hands suitable corrections. When the riot occurred in New York, it was