it might cost. There was never any necessity for this Bureau, except that created by the Republican party, which was entirely political. The negroes, if let alone by these politicians, would have stayed where they had lived, been treated kindly, worked willingly, and have done much toward supporting themselves, leaving the local authorities, as in other States, to provide for those who could not take care of themselves, and who had no relatives able to aid them. This course would have rendered the change in the labor system at the South less injurious to the people, and would have increased and cheapened Southern products in Northern markets. Both races, and everybody except Republican politicians, would have been happier, and all the disastrous effects of the war would have soon disappeared. But the political necessities of the Republican party have caused things to assume the worst possible attitude at the South, with no possible benefit to any human being, either North or South, except Republican politicians.

Since the above was written, a bill has been reported, and will doubtless pass Congress, continuing this Bureau for one year from the 16th of July next. This will give the Republican party an opportunity to employ it in aid of the next election. It will dispense much money, but far more politics. Ten or fifteen millions of dollars skilfully applied will contribute much to influence the result. By the bill extending the life of this Bureau, the whole power over it seems to be taken from the President and placed in the hands of the Secretary of War, whose willingness and capacity to pervert the powers and duties of that office to political purposes cannot be questioned by those knowing how they were prostituted in 1864 for the reëlection of Mr. Lincoln and a Republican Congress.

120.-MISTAKES OF THE AMERICAN CLERGY.

Clergymen, devoted to the worship of the living God, and to the instruction of the Christian religion, are beloved and cherished by the good, and command the respect of all. It is when they step aside from their duties, and in the name, or under the pretence of both, and engage in other matters and teach other

subjects, that criticism commences. In many countries the church establishment forms a part of the government machine, and very naturally sings its praises, without much regard to the character and object of those engaged in its management. Where religion is supported at the expense of the Government, it naturally partakes of its character and its defects, as far as they exist. That religion is most pure and beneficial which relies upon its own worth, and the charm of its every-day life for its support, and influence, unaided by collateral, selfish, or worldly considerations.

Those clergymen who worship and adore God in words of truth and sincerity, springing spontaneously from the heart, and not from the motives of worldly interest, who truly humble, and do not slander themselves in words which they would resent if spoken by another; who really present the Christian religion in a language and in a manner calculated to charm from its pure loveliness, and paint vice in its true colors, so that men instinctively embrace the one and detest the other; who show how virtue and true religion exalt man, and vice sinks and degrades him, so that, when the services are closed, we resolve to cling to the good and avoid the bad-will never be without hearers or support, or fail to command universal respect and esteem for the real good they do mankind. A clergyman should so paint goodness as to charm all who see the picture, and make them resolve to become really good. Vice should be so exhibited as to provoke disgust and abhorrence, and induce mankind to avoid it. Subjects of illustration are daily found in the streets. Sermons that do not so present virtue that we naturally love it, and vice so that we instinctively detest it, always fail in producing any useful effect. It is implanted in the heart of man to admire what is pure and lovely, and to loath and detest what is the reverse; and with this thought in mind, the clergy should present the Christian religion, leaving out all those imaginary matters often heard, which prove a destructive alloy to pure religion. Mankind do not divide ou what we have said; but, upon political and all outside questions, they ever have and ever will; and, upon all such as men differ, a wise teacher of the Christian religion will take sides with neither. If his commission is from God, he will find no authority in it for his

doing so. He is employed to teach religion, and not politics or other irrelevant matters. His whole congregation will agree upon the truth and importance of vital religion, while they disagree about every thing else.

Have the clergy confined themselves to their duties as above indicated? The answer must be no, as to most of them. The Republicans in Congress have called upon them to become political partisans, and they promptly respond to the call, and are responsible for many of the grievous afflictions that weigh down our country. They are now following in the footsteps of those who contributed to arouse the spirit of secession and disunion during Mr. Jefferson's time and the War of 1812. They are obedient to the call of the politicians, as the following will show:

In 1854, when Mr. Douglas reported his Kansas-and-Nebraska Bill, Senators Chase of Ohio, Sumner of Massachusetts, and Messrs. Wade and Giddings of Ohio, Smith of New York, and De Witt of Massachusetts, issued an appeal, in which they said: "We implore Christians and Christian ministers to interpose. Their divine religion requires them to behold in every man a brother, and to labor for the advancement and regeneration of the human race. Let all protest, earnestly and emphatically, by correspondence and through the press, by memorials and resolutions of public meetings and legislative bodies, and in whatever mode may seem expedient, against this enormous crime.”

This appeal was sent to the clergymen of New England and elsewhere, with a circular, which was signed by Charles Lowell, Lyman Beecher, Baron Stowe, and Sebastian Streeter, a committee of clergymen in Boston, dated February 22, 1854, in which it was stated: "It is hoped that every one of you will append your names to it [a protest], and thus furnish to the nation and the age the sublime and influential spectacle of the great Christian body of the North united as one man in favor of freedom and of solemn plighted faith.

"If you have already, either as a private Christian, or as a clergyman, signed any similar document, please to sign this also, as it is earnestly desired to embrace in this movement the clerical voice of New England.

"It is respectfully submitted, whether the present is not a crisis of sufficient magnitude and imminence of danger to the liberties and integrity of our nation to warrant, and even to demand, the services of the clergy of all denominations in arousing the masses of the people to its comprehension, through the press, and even the pulpit."

These calls produced the desired effect among the Northern clergy, who then sent in their protests, in which they say, "The undersigned, clergymen of different denominations in New England, hereby, in the name of Almighty God, and in His presence, do solemnly protest against what is known as the Nebraska Bill." By what authority did they speak in the name of the Supreme Being? But they made their pulpits ring with their political effusions in His name. What was the consequence? It cannot be disguised that our country is worse demoralized than at any former period in its history. Murder, infanticide, arson, robbery, bigamy, adultery, larceny, and every other crime punishable under the laws, are infinitely more common than at any former time. Frauds have multiplied, and intemperance increased. Churches have become divided, many are without sufficient support, and some are unoccupied, while vast numbers of people decline to attend churches as they were formerly accustomed, and wish still to do, because disgusted with clergymen who mix politics and religion. Men going to and returning from church, instead of discussing religious subjects, talk over political matters and concert plans for the campaign. Why are these things so? Although the pupils may be far from good, we cannot doubt that the fault is more with the teacher than the pupil, because with him it is apparent that politics has more charms for him than the Christian religion. The pupil has seen the professedly religious papers take sides on political questions, he has heard his religious teacher advert to them in his prayers and sermons, at his home, on the wayside, often at public meetings, and at the polls of election. Can the pupil doubt that his religious teacher considers politics either as worship, or a part of the Christian religion? Even children draw these conclusions, and act accordingly. The female sex, confiding by nature. and never doubting the fidelity or capacity of their

religious guide, are ready converts to whatever he may hold forth as a matter of religious duty. Add to these that class of men who espouse questions from conviction of right, and another actuated by interest, and we have the elements for forming a strong political party, and the means of pushing party questions to their ultimate results. It cannot now be denied that a large portion of the New-England clergy opposed the acquisition of Louisiana, and its admission as a State-the admission of Missouri, because her constitution recognized slavery; that they entered heartily into the Kansas controversy, and into the abolition tactics that really caused the war, and are now actively sustaining Congress in elevating the negro and degrading the white men of the South. Their active devotion on these subjects produced efforts elsewhere. Ignorant men made up in activity and zeal what they lacked in knowledge and capacity. It is undeniably true, had this class of clergymen devoted themselves to the worship of God and teaching the Christian religion, and left the politicians to struggle alone, we should have had no war-the million of lives, and the thousands of millions of expenses would have been saved -our character as a nation escaped all tarnish, and the people would be prosperous and happy. It is not assumed that political clergymen designed to produce the fatal consequences that followed their adventures in the field of politics, or that they intended mischief; but that these consequences necessarily flowed from their acts. What portion intentionally sought the wrong, and what blundered into it, no one can tell. But the wrong and the results are before us, and have become matters of history. Evil results will ever follow political preaching-teaching party politics instead of the true and vital principles of the Christian religion. Instead of love and charity, hatred and a thirst for vengeance, have been the fruits of their teachings. We say these things not in anger, or to injure the clergy, but to show them how their acts are viewed, and to persuade them to a more Christian course, as they do their hearers. We have the same right to talk to them to tell them what we believe to be true-to reprove, to admonish, censure, and advise them, that they have to do the same to others. They have preceded us in vouching for