Executive can suggest," a plan of reconstruction, providing pardon provisions, and permitting loyal men, not less than one-tenth of those who were voters at the beginning of the war, to form new State governments, offering each protection against invasion and domestic violence. A portion of the Republicans threatened to defeat his renomination, because of the liberal provisions in this proclamation, and thereupon passed a bill near the close of their session, in June, 1864, providing more stringent and difficult provisions, calculated to clothe the Republicans in such States with full power and control therein. Receiving this within ten days of the adjournment, Mr. Lincoln, instead of approving, appended it to a proclamation dated the 8th of July, 1864, in which he said: "I am (as I was in December last, when, by my proclamation, I propounded a plan of restoration) unprepared, by a formal approval of this bill, to be inflexibly committed to any single plan of restoration; and, while I am also unprepared to declare that the free State constitutions and governments already adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held for naught, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up the same, as to further effort, or to declare the constitutional competency in Congress to abolish slavery in States," he adds, that he is satisfied with the plan contained in the bill, as one very proper plan, and when the condition of things in the States should be satisfactory, he would appoint military Governors, as proposed in the bill. Afterward, he prepared a more perfect plan, which, after his death, was adopted by Mr. Johnson, for North Carolina, and published in his proclamation, dated May 29, 1865. Arkansas and Louisiana organized State governments, under Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of December 8, 1863, and elected and sent members to Congress from them, who were not finally received as such. Here Mr. Lincoln and the Republicans commenced diverging. His friends said Mr. Lincoln wished to be President of the whole Union-he had been only of a part-and to close his political life in peace, surrounded by a united and happy people. The leading spirits among his friends, and who still control in Congress, desired so to shape things at the South that a minority of Republicans could control those States, and thus, for

years, perpetuate political power in the hands of the Republicans. Mr. Lincoln had less anxiety on that point than in the restoration of the Union to as happy a condition as it was in before his election. In this he and the leaders of his party disagreed, though generally he was compelled to yield.

The Democrats were not for reconstruction, but restoration, requiring the States to recall and reverse all their illegal acts growing out of secession, and, on taking the proper oaths, return to their constitutional duties in the Union. Under this plan of restoration, which is what the Constitution and common-sense demanded, six months would have restored peace, harmony, and prosperity. Our Christian duty required us to forgive the erring and wicked. These were to be found both at the North and at the South. Refusing to do so will make them no better, nor, if we are Christians, would it make us happier. We do not envy the man whose instincts lead him to become an agent or colaborer of the keeper of the bottomless pit, in his abhorred labors of punishing those he may adjudge to be wicked. The Democratic plan of restoration was consistent with the Constitution, and the best, Mr. Lincoln's the next best, and that of the Republicans the worst, as bad as it can be made, and calculated to prevent the restoration of peace, harmony, and prosperity.

115. THE INJURY INFLICTED UPON THE NEGROES BY THE REPUBLICAN MODE OF MANUMISSION.

Without considering the effect upon the business and prosperity of the South, by the overthrow of her system of labor, the instant manumission of the Southern negroes, without any preparation whatever, has been destructive to them and their interests. In New York, legislation began on the subject in 1799, and was finished in 1817, and emancipation completed under it in 1827, by which time both whites and blacks were prepared for it. Had it been thus progressive at the South, both would have been affected less injuriously. As it was forced upon the country, neither side was prepared, the negroes less than the whites. They had little or no education, no experience in providing for themselves, and no means to commence with. Even educated

white men, in full health, thrown upon the world, with large families, and without means, find it difficult to provide against want, even in prosperous communities. At the time of manumission, the South was not only destitute of the means of living, but property there had been destroyed during the war, and those formerly rich could hardly avoid actual starvation. It is but little better yet, the policy of Congress repressing all enterprise and investments by those who could control means if the country were in a settled state. We give some account of the real condition of the negroes from an eye-witness. Hon. Cave Johnson wrote, July 30, 1865:

"Seven of my negro men, and nine women and children, were seduced or forced into the Federal camp, leaving over sixty still on my farm, mostly old men, women, and children, that can scarcely support themselves on a good farm. They have become so demoralized as to be useless to the owners, and the only question now is, how to get clear of them? If turned loose, without some provision for their support, many of them must starve. There must be from fifty to a hundred thousand old men, women, and children in this State, and more than a million in the United States, incapable of supporting themselves by their labor, and, if turned loose, must become the tenants of poor-houses or jails. The owners will find much difficulty in supporting their own families, without having them thrown upon their hands. Four millions of paupers thrown upon the country must produce an amount of suffering appalling to every human heart, and but seldom, if ever, witnessed in any age or country. I should have sent mine off long ago, but have not been able to buy places for them, where they might have a chance for support, and to send them off without some such provision was an act of such cruelty that I could not think of it. The abolitionists give no aid. But this is not all. They cannot live in any comfort in the same section with their former owners, who will treat them as inferiors, and never submit to any thing like equality in legal rights and social claims."

Subsequent events have shown this picture underdrawn. It is now conceded by all who understand the matter that more

than one-quarter, and probably one-third, of all the negroes manumitted have since perished by starvation, or disease resulting from it, or from want of restraint. The old and young perish from want, and the middle-aged from vice. The real interests of the negro have been wholly uncared for by the Republican party in their struggle to use them in the South to continue their party in power. The Southern whites are so impoverished that they cannot provide for the negroes, and the latter are too ignorant, lazy, and vicious to do so for themselves. All this grows out of the manner of conferring freedom upon that race. Had that been properly managed, there would have been but little suffering among them, and both races would have been far better off, although the Republican ascendency might have sooner ended. It is not the happiness of mankind that this party seeks, but the control of the Government and the privilege of exercising power over them. Every interest and all means must yield to this, whatever the result may be as to every thing else. Such is the practical result, whatever the professions may be.

116.-REPUBLICAN STRUGGLE FOR POWER AND THE SPOILS.

No Administration has equalled that of Mr. Lincoln in the number of its removals from office. Nor has any one come near it in the number of new offices created, some of which are worse than useless, and scarcely one necessary. In this we do not refer to the internal revenue officers, and the rogues set to watch them. A large number of the military appointments and military agencies were useless to everybody except those holding them. This was true of the spies employed during the war and since. Not content with the offices and employments conferred by and under Mr. Lincoln, the Republicans have extorted from Mr. Johnson nearly every office within his nomination. Between coaxing and threatening, and the Senate's refusal to concur in his nominations, scarcely an appointment has been made by Mr. Johnson, except of his bitter enemies and public revilers.

The Constitution provides that the President may appoint, with the consent of the Senate, at any time, and, when not in session, the term is limited to the end of the next session of the Sen

ate. No provision is made, in terms, concerning who shall make removals. But the Government would soon be off the track if removals could not be made. Bad men would plunder it without restraint, or fear of removal, or punishment. The First Congress under the Constitution, when establishing the Departments of State, Treasury, and War, had the question of removal under consideration. Mr. Madison, called the Father of the Constitution, took the lead in the debate, declaring that the power of removal was vested in the President, as a prerequisite to the exercise of the express power to appoint, and as a necessary means of executing the conceded power to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." In each of these acts provision is made for the performance of the duties of the office, in case of removal of the head of the department by the President, thus expressly recognizing the President's authority to remove. If this power did not rest with the President, all officers appointed by him, except those limited to four years by the act of 1820, could hold for life, including members of the cabinet. The Constitution thus construed in 1789, with the exception of Mr. Calhoun's attempt, in 1834, to tie up the hands of General Jackson, has been recognized by all parties as authoritative, and been acted upon by every President, and by none to a greater extent than Mr. Lincoln. The last Congress, not content with the spoils they had obtained and could secure under the Constitution, as construed for nearly eighty years by every Congress and Administration, and as acted upon by the Senators during Mr. Lincoln's term of office, passed an act to enable the Senate to restrain the powers of the President, by enlarging and conferring upon that body new ones unknown to the Constitution. They forbid the President to make removals without the consent of the Senate, and limit his power to suspending, in vacation, until the Senate shall act, and if they do not concur, the removed officer is restored to office. Under this law, passed over the President's veto, the Senate not only can, but does, keep all Republicans in their offices, notwithstanding they violate their duties, plunder the Government, and personally insult and refuse to obey the lawful authority of the President. Men have been thus restored who were known to have