cussion on a bill was refused, and the yeas and nays denied, which General Jackson vetoed, and, on reflection, not a member of either House then thought him wrong, and no attempt was made to pass the bill over his veto. This shows the importance of full discussion. The House of Representatives have now two rules which violate full and free discussion-the hour rule, confining members to one hour in their discussions upon a bill-sometimes to five minutes-and the previous question, which cuts off all debate-in other words, the congressional gag law. The one-hour rule often prevents a full presentation of the matters under consideration, and frequently cuts off those who are alone competent to discuss the questions involved. Of the many who talk, few really throw light upon the subject under discussion. The "previous question' prohibits all discussion, if sustained by a majority. By it, a deliberative body, created to discuss questions, becomes mute and cannot assign reasons for or against the bill. The country is left in ignorance of the reasons for the votes for and against the measure involved. The previous question means, "drop all questions, and go back to the one whether the bill shall pass or not." Since the Republicans have had control in the House of Representatives, a large number of bills of the highest, and some of vital importance, have passed the House under the operation of the previous question, and sometimes without a word being spoken on either side. Compelling members to vote under such circumstances, is tyranny as to them, and worse than tyranny against the people who are expected to obey laws when they cannot learn why they were proposed or passed. This is in violation of the first principles of Democracy. It has never been a rule of the Senate, showing that it need not be of the House. This tyranny has so far extended itself, that the minority in the House of Representatives have felt bound to protest against it, when prevented from discussing the questions involved in the impeachment of President Johnson. Never since our Government was formed has the tyranny of majorities been exercised to the same extent as at present. Matters formerly considered undoubted rights, are now treated as favors, and generally refused. The privileges which the majority permit or refuse, are usually determined by the vote of

a secret caucus of members, in which Senators often exercise a controlling influence. The minority in the House are now more enslaved than Southern negroes ever were, whose mouths never felt the gag. There will never be real freedom and independence in this country until this tyranny-never attempted against us by the mother country--shall be effectually ended.

101.-ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The true character of Mr. Lincoln will be written fifty or a hundred years hence. Fanatic impressions will give place to knowledge. Those who approve his principles and acts seek to make him a second Washington-greater than any President, except the Father of his country, and free from speck or blemish; while those who approve of neither will assign him a subordinate position, among the lowest occupied by any chosen President. A few unquestionable facts connected with him will be referred to, leaving impartial history to set all things right.

He was born in Kentucky, February 12, 1809. His education was limited. During the Black Hawk War, in 1832, he became captain of a volunteer company in Illinois, and served three months; then run for the State Legislature, and was beaten. He then opened a country store, but did not succeed well as a trader. He was appointed postmaster at New Salem, and began the study of the law, and was admitted to practice in 1836, and settled in Springfield in 1837. In 1834, '36, '38, and '40, he was elected to the State Legislature as a Whig. In 1846 he was elected to Congress, and served two years, and made three speeches. In the first, he attempted to show that our Government was wrong in claiming the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas, and that the ground on which General Taylor won his first two victories belonged to Mexico. In this speech, as between us and Mexico, he occupied grounds similar to those assumed by the Federalists as between us and Great Britain. The object of this speech was to disparage President Polk, and to convict our Government of being in the wrong and the aggressor against Mexico. His second was principally occupied in assailing a message of President Polk, giving the reasons why he had not signed the Harbor and

River Improvement Bill sent to him near the close of the previous session, and in trying to uphold the exploded internal improvement doctrine of Mr. Adams. His third speech, made after the nominations of Taylor and Cass for the presidency, was devoted to lauding the former and condemning the latter. In 1849 he sought to be made United States Senator, but was defeated by General Shields. In 1858 he sought the same office, but was defeated by Mr. Douglas. It was during this last canvass that Mr. Lincoln, in reply to questions put him, said, "I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States."

Among the resolutions adopted by the Chicago Convention, which nominated him for the presidency, is the following: “4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes."

The radical Republicans who profess to be carrying out the sentiments of Mr. Lincoln, and the principles upon which he was elected, will find it difficult to reconcile their action with these declarations which the public looked upon as forming a portion of the Republican creed.

Mr. Lincoln was elected President, and Hannibal Hamlin VicePresident in 1860, and reëlected with Andrew Johnson, VicePresident, in 1864, and was basely assassinated on the 14th of April, in a theatre in Washington, by J. Wilkes Booth.

Mr Lincoln was a tall, loosely-built man, with long features, dark hair, and brown eyes, not over-industrious, but fond of talk

ing and telling stories to amuse others. He was kind-hearted, and more popular with juries than judges, being more inclined to make pithy and attractive remarks than to study and discuss the profound logic of the law. His illustrations were mainly by telling striking anecdotes and stories he had heard, or conjured up for the occasion. He was neither polished in manners nor conversation. He pleased many from his quaintness and unpretending manner. In principle, he was thoroughly anti-Democratic, and believed in and practised upon the theory that the Government was a machine to be run for the advantage of the favored classes, as shown in his defence of internal improvements by the national Government, and advocacy of a tariff for protection, and his assenting to the crude abominations of the Internal Revenue Bill. But he was far more Democratic in some things than those now controlling the destinies of the nation in Congress, who have ignored much that he did and proposed, and are setting up their will to guide the destinies of the nation, instead of following and carrying out the commands of the Federal Constitution.

The administration of Mr. Lincoln was so crowded with events that we shall present them under different heads, instead of giving a long article upon the subject, and for portions of which he may possibly not be responsible, although at the head of the Government.

102.-MR. LINCOLN ON HIS WAY TO WASHINGTON.

On the 11th of February, 1861, Mr. Lincoln left Springfield for Washington, and on his way made several addresses to the people. At Cincinnati, referring to how the Kentuckians should be treated, he said: "We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution. . . . We mean to remember that you are as good as wethat there is no difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms, as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly."

At Columbus he said: "It is a consoling circumstance, that when we look out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering any thing."

At Steubenville he said: "I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides of the river [Ohio]. It is only the different understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The dispute is, 'What are our rights?" "

At Pittsburg he said: "There is really no crisis, except an artificial one, such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians." He spoke of a protective tariff, and that he was in favor of "adequate protection being extended to the coal and iron of Pennsylvania and the corn of Illinois."

At Cleveland he said: “I think there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis. . . . It has no foundation in fact. It was argued up,' as the saying is, and cannot be argued down. Let it alone, and it will go down itself."

These extracts show that at that time he thought there was no danger of a serious character, and that the only disturbing element was upon the proper construction of the Constitution, involving rights claimed under it. He thought, if let alone, the excitement which had been raised up by argument alone, would go down of itself. In theory he was right. In this respect, his fears were less than those of Mr. Buchanan. If the difficulties, as they then stood, had been let alone, and no fuel added to increase the flames, they would soon have died out. Standing, unaided and alone, South Carolina, which had passed a secession ordinance on the 20th of December, 1860, could have accomplished nothing, and must have abandoned her insane and childish attempt to sustain herself alone out of the Union. The world would have laughed at her as a disobedient, rebellious child, whose greatest punishment would be in letting her alone until reason and sound sense should compel her to cling to the old national family with more wisdom and in better temper, as anticipated by Mr. Buchanan. But other States, ere long, joined South Carolina, and eventually the