that was the way in which the bill passed. He did not think he could tell the whole story; but he thought it very probable that there were those in this House who could tell, if they would; and who could tell what private interests were provided for in it."

The amendment repealing this act was lost. It is remarkable that in the Senate, when this amendment was voted down, all the Whigs voted against the amendment, and all the Democrats but one for it. The vote in the House presented nearly the same division. No objection can be made to voting all moneys that are needed for the support of the Government. But passing laws to provide for paying electioneering expenses, and gratuitously pensioning for life those who have never served in the army or navy, is in violation of the Constitution and the rights of the people," whose labor provides the funds. There are now persons, whose original pensions were granted for five years under the old laws, who have drawn them for more than thirty years. Sometimes these pension acts are so worded that their real meaning is not understood by many voting for them. These acts, as far as they go beyond the old necessary laws, are not passed for the good of the service, but with reference to nominations and votes at elections. On examination, these things become quite apparent. Now, when the people are almost sinking under heavy taxation, these errors should be corrected and the ancient laws be restored.

88.-HEMAN J. REDFIELD.

It is with great pleasure that we give a short sketch of Mr. Redfield. His life has been a long and useful one, ever devoted to the maintenance of democratic principles and upholding the country in the days of its peril. He was born in Connecticut, December 27, 1788. His father moving to Western New York, he assisted him on his farm until 1808, when he entered the Canandaigua Academy. He remained there two years, and then read law with John C. Spencer, and was admitted to practice in 1815. When the War of 1812 came on, he laid aside Blackstone, Bacon, and Tidd, and volunteered as a private soldier, and served two campaigns. He was in the battle of Queenstown

Heights, in September, 1812, and was with General Harrison at Fort George, in November, 1813, where he received a brevet from the commanding general for gallant services. He commenced the practice of the law at Le Roy in 1815, and was appointed a justice of the peace and master in Chancery, and soon afterward district-attorney. He was a State Senator during 1823, '24 and '25. It was during his service in the Senate that he became distinguished as one of the celebrated "seventeen" Senators who were shown up in coffin handbills, and whose effigies were hanged and burned. From the adoption of the Federal Constitution down to 1824, the Presidential Electors in New York had been elected by the Legislature. In Governor Jay's time he was called upon to convene the Legislature to the end that the law might be changed, and thus deprive Mr. Jefferson of electoral votes of the State. He indignantly refused to do so. The Legislature elected in 1823, a majority being Democrats, it was understood, would give the votes of the State to whoever should be nominated by a Democratic caucus. William H. Crawford was thus brought before the people, and fairly entitled to the votes of the State. The friends of other candidates sought to defeat the will of the State by changing the law. For this purpose a bill had passed the Assembly and was sent to the Senate, where it received full consideration and much discussion. As no one of the proposed methods of election received a majority of the votes of the Senate, a motion to postpone further consideration until after the election prevailed, seventeen Senators voting for it. Among these were Mr. Redfield and Alvin Bronson, of Oswego, who are the sole survivors of those distinguished men. Instead of their conspiring to cheat the people out of their rights, they sought to prevent a fraud upon those who had elected the Legislature to carry out their wishes. Not one of all this number of Senators failed to be sustained by the people. Two of them-Charles E. Dudley and Silas Wright-subsequently became United States Senators, and the latter Governor of the State. Both Mr. Redfield and Mr. Bronson feel proud of their votes on the occasion.

In 1825, Mr. Redfield was appointed one of the commissioners on the part of New York to settle a boundary question with

New Jersey. He was post-master at Le Roy for more than twenty years. He soon became distinguished as a lawyer. When the arrangements were being made for the trial of those accused of abducting William Morgan, he was offered the position of special counsel to assist the Attorney-General. He declined the offer, and recommended John C. Spencer, who accepted and acted as such on the trials. He also, in 1835, declined the office of circuit judge, tendered him by Governor Marcy. During the same year the Legislature appointed him canal commissioner, which he declined. When the Holland Land Company, in 1836, sold out their remaining lands in five counties, he was appointed agent of the new proprietors, and acted as such for thirteen years, for which purpose he removed to Batavia, where he now resides.

President Pierce, on coming into office, tendered him the appointment of Naval Officer in New York, which he accepted, but was soon transferred to the office of Collector, which he held until June 30, 1857, when he resigned, although President Buchanan offered to continue him. In every official position held by Mr. Redfield he gave complete satisfaction. It is highly creditable to him, that when he rendered his accounts as Collector, they were found correct to a cent, although they involved the large sum of $143,493,957, and were promptly settled, exactly as he rendered them. He is now a cultivator of the soil, which has ever been a favorite employment with him, making two blades of grass grow where only one grew before. In all the perils to which our country has been exposed, he has ever been on the side of his own Government. He sustained Mr. Polk through the Mexican War, and exerted himself on the side of the Government during the late war. He was a member of the Peace Congress at Albany, which sent delegates to the one at Washington. He presided at meetings and lent his influence to secure the quotas of men called for at different times during the war, and contributed largely in raising funds to aid in that purpose. Although he believed the war was needlessly brought on and might have been avoided, and that its management was not creditable to the Administration, still, the life of his country was involved, and halting was wrong,

if not criminal. He therefore lent his best energies to sustain our side of the conflict, never doubting the final result.

In his intercourse with men he is frank and manly, never misleading any one concerning his views, having nothing to conceal. Those who know him best love him most. In the community where he resides, his interests harmonize with those of his neighbors. Although he practises economy, he is not greedy for wealth, either on its own account or for the distinction it often confers. The poor are not turned away starving, nor the orphan unprotected. He is proud of being a life-long Democrat. He learned the principles when young, and personally fought, to sustain them, in the War of 1812, when Federalists mourned over our victories, because defeats would be more likely to overthrow Madison and bring them into power. He is opposed to all classlegislation, and to using the Government, State or national, as the means of making one class rich and keeping another poor. It is one of his theories, that the less mankind are governed, the better for them. He believes the true object of government is to protect men in their person, character, and property, and then leave them to work out their own happiness in their own way. There can be no common standard of happiness, as men's enjoyments differ as much as their features. Government cannot bring all to the same standard, if it desired to do so. But each individual will fix his own, and endeavor to arrive at it. Mr. Redfield bas ever believed he should be allowed to do so.

89.-CONGRESS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.

Abuses in Government seem to be self-multiplying and enduring. It can now be proved in a court of justice that the unconstitutional expenses of the national Government, as that instrument was construed by Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson, exceed the whole expenses incurred by it in General Jackson's time before nullification and the Indian wars. Now the "deficiency " bills alone usually equal the whole expenses of those days. The extent of these expenditures depends upon the appropriations made by Congress. It is the Legislative branch that determines

for what purposes, and to what extent, public money shall be spent. It creates the offices, fixes the compensation, and what shall be done that requires money to do it. The Executive branch is only responsible for good faith and reasonable prudence in executing the laws as it finds them in the statute-book.

We will refer to some of these expenditures, which have no warrant in the Constitution, that our readers may understand where, how, and for what the public money goes:

1. The Freedmen's Bureau has been created without constitutional authority. It feeds, clothes, doctors, transports from place to place, and educates and makes bargains for negroes who are claimed to be citizens of the United States, entitled and qualified to vote and participate in the affairs of the State and national Government, while some claim that they are, in fact, superior to the white race. In other words, for the first time citizenship is sought to be based upon pauperism. No one has ever doubted that it would be unconstitutional to do these things for white citizens. The purposes for which taxes may be imposed do not include these things, or any of a similar character. The Republicans seek to confer on these negroes the right of suffrage, so that they may control the State elections where they reside, as well as that of the presidency. If they are competent to do this, they must be capable of feeding, clothing, doctoring, travelling from place to place, and of paying their own expenses and making bargains for themselves. Both assumptions cannot be true. Either the negroes are capable of taking care of themselves, or they are not competent to vote and participate in political affairs. This bureau swallows up from twelve to fifteen millions of dollars a year, and indirectly costs considerably more than a hundred millions a year.

2. The Reconstruction Acts, now being executed by officers of the army, aided by many thousands of soldiers, are undoubtedly unconstitutional, and, if for no other reason, because the States already exist under statutes of Congress which are unrepealed, and have organized governments of their own, of which Congress has no power to deprive them. Congress has no more authority to interfere with the affairs of these States than they have in those