Cato, and seen in Macon, and some others of their stamp-created by Nature-formed in no school; and of which the instances are so rare and long between."

The country is greatly indebted to him for the introduction of the telegraph. Neither the inventor nor his friends had the means of fully testing it. After thorough examination, he arrived at the conclusion that it would prove a success. He thereupon reported the Act of 1843, which passed the Senate upon the strength of his recommendation, appropriating $30,000 to build a line betwen Baltimore and Washington, which, when completed, met his expectations, and caused the introduction of the telegraph throughout the country.

80.-JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

On the 3d of March, 1837, General Jackson issued a Farewell Address to the people of the United States. It was on the last day of his official life. His first service for his country was in the tented field, when a lad, where a British sword had caused his blood to flow. His last was at the head of the great American Government. On various occasions, between these dates, he had successfully served his country under difficult and trying circumstances. For a period of more than half a century he had been a careful observer of events connected with our history. His attachment to his country was strong and unwavering; and he regarded the future with deep solicitude. He had observed the happy effect of Washington's Farewell Address upon the country generally, and especially in shaking the purposes of the Federalists in New England, when its leaders, Pickering, Hillhouse, Griswold, Tracy, Hunt, and others, in 1804-25 proposed and organized a plan of practical disunion, frustrated probably by the death of Hamilton. He had before him abundant evidence of the ardent attachment and unlimited confidence of the people. Under such circumstances, it was a very appropriate method of closing his official career, and performing a parting service. The address produced a deep sensation, and was hailed as a most valuable legacy from a loved father to loving children. To recall it to the

recollection of our readers, we shall make liberal extracts from it. After stating the true principles of taxation, he says:

"Plain as these principles appear to be, you will yet find that there is a constant effort to induce the General Government to go beyond the limits of its taxing power, and to impose unnecessary burdens upon the people. Many powerful interests are continually at work to procure heavy duties on commerce, and to swell the revenue beyond the real necessities of the public service; and the country has already felt the injurious effects of their combined influence. They succeeded in obtaining a tariff of duties bearing most oppressively on the agricultural and laboring classes of society, and producing revenue that could not be usefully employed within the range of the powers conferred upon Congress; and, in order to fasten upon the people this unjust and unequal system of taxation, extravagant schemes of internal improvement were got up in various quarters, to squander the money, and purchase support. Thus one unconstitutional measure was intended to be upheld by another, and the abuse of the power of taxation was to be maintained by usurping the power of expending the money in internal improvements."

Referring to disunion and sectional action, he said:

"We behold systematic efforts, publicly made, to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly upon geographic distinctions; to excite the South against the North, and the North against the South, and to force into the controversy the most delicate and exciting topics, upon which it is impossible that a large portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotions. Appeals, too, are constantly made to sectional interests, in order to influence the election of the Chief Magistrate, as if it were desired that he should favor a particular quarter of the country, instead of fulfilling the duties of his station with impartial justice to all; and the possible dissolution of the Union has, at length, become an ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten? or have designs already been formed to sever the Union? Let it not be supposed that I impute to all those who have taken an active part in these unwise

and unprofitable discussions a want of patriotism, or of public virtue. The honorable feelings of State pride, and local attachments, find a place in the bosoms of the most enlightened and pure. But while such men are conscious of their own integrity and honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget that the citizens of other States are their political brethren; and that however mistaken they may be in their views, the great body of them are equally honest and upright with themselves. Mutual suspicion and reproaches may in time create mutual hostility; and artful and designing men will always be found, who are ready to foment these fatal divisions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of different sections of the country. The history of the world is full of such examples, and especially the history of republics.

"What have you to gain by division and dissension? Delude not yourselves with the belief, that a breach once made may be afterward repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider; and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will then be tried in the fields of battle, and determined by the sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope, that the first line of separation would be the permanent one, and that nothing but harmony and concord would be found in the new associations formed upon the dissolution of the Union. Local interests would still be found there, and unchastened ambition. And if the recollection of common dangers, in which the people of the United States stood, side by side, against the common foe-the memories of victories won by their united valor; the prosperity and happiness they have enjoyed under the present Constitution; the proud name they bear as citizens of this great Republic-if all these recollections and proofs of common interest are not strong enough to bind us together, as one people, what tie will hold united the new divisions of empire, when these bonds have been broken, and this Union dissevered? The first line of separation would not last for a single generation; new fragments would be torn off; new leaders would spring up; and this great and glorious Republic would soon be broken into a multitude of petty States, without commerce, without credit

jealous of one another; armed for mutual aggressions; loaded with taxes to pay armies and leaders; seeking aid against each other from foreign powers; insulted and trampled upon by the nations of Europe; until, harassed with conflicts, and humbled and debased in spirit, they would be ready to submit to the absolute dominion of any military adventurer, and to surrender their liberty for the sake of repose. It is impossible to look upon the consequences that would inevitably follow the destruction of this Government, and not feel indignant when we hear cold calculations about the value of the Union, and have so constantly before us a line of conduct so well calculated to weaken its ties."

He thus closes his advice:

"You have no longer any cause to fear danger from abroad; your strength and power are well known throughout the civilized world, as well as the high and gallant bearing of your sons. It is from within, among yourselves, from cupidity, from corruption, from disappointed ambition, and inordinate thirst for power, that factions will be formed and liberty endangered. It is against such designs, whatever guise the actors may assume, that you have specially to guard yourselves. You have the highest of human trusts committed to your care. Providence has showered on this favored land blessings without number, and has chosen you as the guardians of freedom to preserve it for the benefit of the human race. May He who holds in His hands the destinies of nations make you worthy of the favors He has bestowed, and enable you, with pure hearts, and pure hands, and sleepless vigilance, to guard and defend, to the end of time, the charge He has committed to your keeping!"

A noble legacy. Its timely cautions were directed to the real sources of danger. The motives and causes of disunion are clearly and plainly stated. Had they been heeded, North and South, the sectional curses that have befallen us, withered our resources, and destroyed the Union and the happiness of the people, would never have overtaken us. The cupidity, corruption, disappointed ambition, and inordinate thirst for power, are pointed out as the sources from which sectional difficulties and disunion must emanate.

From whom have our sectional and disunion difficulties come? The answer is explicit-from the enemies of General Jackson, and those who derided and spurned his advice. The leaders of abolition and nullification carried on a mock war, to alienate the kind feelings and arouse all the bad passions of both sections. Abolition would blister its mouth in uttering scorching and bitter words, which the newspapers sent South to stir up the people. These being read and commented upon, words of burning fire and fury were uttered and sent North in the papers. Each section supplied the fuel and kept the fire burning in the other. The leaders understood it, but the masses did not, and became terribly in earnest. The defeat of a Southern Union man for Congress was hailed with joy by the Northern conspirators, and the success of an abolitionist at the North was chuckled over by Southern secessionists as a triumph. Each wished to widen the breach and render healing it impossible. Both had disunion in view. The Southern States, tired of Northern annoyances, wished to go by themselves and enjoy in peace their own institutions and laws. The abolitionists wished to get rid of them, and have a government where slavery should not be tolerated. If these two sections had had their own way, the South would have been permitted "to go in peace," as advised by ChiefJustice Chase, Horace Greeley, Banks, Wade, and others. But there was another and numerous class of men who could not be converted to these doctrines. They consisted of the followers of General Jackson, North and South, and Union-loving Whigs everywhere. The Southern secessionists openly proclaimed their wishes and intentions. But the Union Democrats and Union Whigs were so numerous and decided, that nearly all the Abolition party shrank from avowing what they desired, and those who had spoken out recalled their words and clamored the loudest for the Union, and for punishing those who rebelled. The secessionists were surprised and astonished, and met a united resistance of all parties from the North that they had not anticipated or feared. The most sturdy of the real abolitionists were more easily found in the ring of thrift or talking positions, than where powder and ball showed the real havoc of war. They made up in noise what they