wronged him. An unkind word was never spoken by him in his family. His wishes were the law, and observed from love instead of fear. His temper was never known to be ruffled but once, and then for a moment, when breaking a horse. He censured himself for it as an act of folly.

Mr. Jefferson was married in his twenty-ninth year, to Mrs. Martha Welton, daughter of John Wayles, of Virginia. She is described as one of the most beautiful and amiable of women. By her he had six children—one son and five daughters, all except two of the latter dying in their infancy. Martha married Thomas Mann Randolph, and Mary John Wayles Epps. In addition to the qualities of the head and heart, Mrs. Jefferson had one acquirement that had a peculiar charm for her husband. She was a superior musician, singing and playing with inimitable grace and skill. Mr. Jefferson was himself a skillful performer on various instruments, and particularly the violin, to which he always resorted to soothe and rest the mind when fatigued and wearied with business and its cares and perplexities. When his house was burnt, his servant, who rode a distance to inform him of his loss, exultingly told him that, although they had not saved his books and papers, they had saved his "feeddle." Near the close of his life, he informed our present minister to France, who is also a musician, that from his boyhood he had spent from one to two hours a day in relieving and refreshing his mind with his favorite instrument. This mutual love of music added largely to the felicity of both during Mrs. Jefferson's life. Mrs. Jefferson was feeble and ill a considerable portion of the time after her marriage to Mr. Jefferson. vorite watcher and nurse when ill. four months, he was never out of call, either in the room with her, or writing in an adjoining one, with the door open between. At her death, he was led from the room in a state of insensibility, and fainted. It was feared he never would revive. He kept his room for three weeks, walking night and day, when not too much fatigued to do so. The care, management, and education of his daughters devolved upon him. Few mothers could have been more successful. His motive in

He was her willing and faDuring her last illness of and nearly the whole time

accepting, not long after the death of his wife, the mission to France, was to restore his health and strength by visiting new scenes, and to secure the best facilities for the education of his daughters. While in Paris, he permitted his oldest daughter to anticipate her monthly allowance. He showed how careful and correct a father he was by writing to her at the same time:

"This is a departure from that rule which I wish to see you governed by, through your whole life, of never buying any thing that you have not the money in your pocket to pay for. Be assured that it gives more pain to the mind to be in debt, than to do without any article which we may seem to want."

Such advice shows the nobleness and justice of his heart. He kept a minute account of all his expenses down to a penny, and made a memorandum of what he might wish to recollect. Every thing was conscientiously done. His political acts were naturally characterized by his noble sentiments. They were to mankind what his private life was in his own family circle. Emanating from the heart, they reached the heart of others, and produced deep impressions. When age drew on, and his fortune had become mostly exhausted, or absorbed by indorsing for an esteemed friend, no change in his feelings, principles, or actions was discovered by those around him. He was cheerful and happy to the last hour of his life.

From the time Mr. Jefferson became the acknowledged head of the Democratic party to the end of his life, he was subject to the most rancorous abuse by those who differed with him in opinion. Nothing was too bad or disgraceful to impute to him, either morally or politically. The press, the pulpit, and the slanderous tongue, assailed him. But he rose above all the efforts to crush him. However galling these things might be, they produced no change in him. He did not meet violence with violence. In this respect, his public life was in harmony with his private life. He only spoke of the good qualities of men. He delighted in what was good, and had no taste for any thing of the opposite character. Although not without temper, it was under the most perfect control, and was never the cause of thought or action. His will was firm and inflexible; and it was remarked of him th

"he never abandoned a plan, a principle, or a friend." His great maxim was, "Be just, be true, love your neighbor as yourself, and your country more than yourself." He truly exemplified what he taught.

Mr. Jefferson was well versed in the arts and sciences, and was distinguished as a philosopher, and made president of the American Philosophical Society. But his favorite pursuit was agriculture, which he pursued with zeal and energy, when not occupied with public affairs; in whatever he might be engaged, the leading purpose of his mind seemed to be, benefiting mankind. Whether in the halls of legislation, as minister abroad, in an executive department at home, or at the head of the Government, the great object was ever the same—to improve the condition of the people, morally and politically, and to promote their independence and happiness. To these objects he devoted a long life, and incessant and successful labor. A life thus employed had a tendency to ennoble and diffuse the principles of democracy among his countrymen. He had the happiness of seeing the Democrats in the ascendency, and mainly controlling the national Government, and in most of the States, for a quarter of a century before his death. His memory will ever be cherished by all who confide in the benign and protective principles of democracy.

10. JEFFERSON'S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES.

At an early age Mr. Jefferson seemed to have an instinctive knowledge of democratic principles, in support of which he devoted the best energies of his life. The questions before the public presented them more or less distinctly, but they were always found at the bottom. He believed that man was placed on earth, not to be ruled at the will of others, but under laws protecting him from personal aggression, to live free and independent, and to be permitted to work out his own happiness in the best way he could. Every thing calculated to produce these consequences met his approbation, and whatever had the contrary tendency he vigorously condemned. To insure this result, man must participate in forming the laws of protection, and adapt them to the object in view. If taxes were to be imposed to

cover the necessary expenses of protection, those who were to pay them should be represented, and heard in fixing the amount and determining how, and from what sources, they should be raised. If crimes were imputed, the accused should be tried in the vicinage by a jury of his equals, where his character could be shown, if he deemed it useful evidence, and where the expressions, modes of thought, and action, could be best understood, and where judge and jury could best appreciate the evidence presented. As tyranny generally resulted from successful military operations, he believed the civil authorities should be deemed the superior, confining the military to the business of supporting and protecting them. He believed that those who were to pay them should determine the number and compensation of public officers, and that a distant jurisdiction was inadequate to determine such questions. These principles were put forth in various public papers, and were enlarged upon and embodied in the Declaration of Independence. The people then resolved to shake off colonial bondage, establish new governments to protect them, and to select for themselves the road to happiness. This resolve was a success. He saw that the old law of entails, giving the oldest son the whole real estate, instead of dividing it among all, was not justly protecting the children, but robbing the others for the benefit of one. It was through his indomitable energy that this relic of injustice was swept from the statute-book of Virginia.

Appreciating the fact that knowledge is power, he used great exertions to secure schools suitable for the education of all, which would enable those attending them to secure that knowledge which is necessary for their protection and support.

Virginia had her established Church, toward the support of which all were bound to contribute; and thus, instead of protecting those not of that Church in the freedom of conscience, and the right freely to give and to worship God in their own way, they were forced to support a church they did not approve. This was not protection, nor permitting men to pursue happiness in their own way. Mr. Jefferson was the author of the statute of religious freedom in Virginia, which contains these words:

"That no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any

religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be forced, restrained, molested, or burdened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief; but that all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion, and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities."

This bill, being eventually adopted, left all men free to pursue happiness in their own way in religious matters. He was instrumental in securing the passage of other laws, based upon like principles, in Virginia, which still remain in force.

In forming the Constitution of the United States, the democratic and anti-democratic principles were most clearly developed -the one side, with Madison at their head, demanding a General Government, supreme, as far as it went, with limited powers, and those of a representative democratic character; the other, seeking to frame one largely after the English model. The former were successful; the latter have been indefatigable in their efforts to change the form by construction, seeking to enlarge the powers of the national, and to curtail those of the State governments. The great civil revolution of 1800 involved this precise point. The anti-Democrats, then called "Federalists," said in substance that "the officers of the national Government are wiser than those of the States, and best know what to compel the people to do, both as to the passage of laws for their government and regulations for their business." They assumed to dictate who should be public agents, and assured the people that they would be happier if they allowed them to continue in office, and permit their principles to control. The Democrats answered: "Let the Federal Government exercise those powers which are indisputably conferred upon it, and leave the State authorities, who are best acquainted with the interests and wishes of their people, to attend to all matters within their jurisdiction in their own way, and under their own local constitutions. What may be best in one State, may not be best for all. Congress cannot know, or might not care, while each State would be alive to its own interests, and best know what will most certainly lead their people to happiness.