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its hoarse notes in denouncing the Constitution as a covenant with death and an agreement with hell," in hurling anathemas against all who sustain Democratic principles. Washington understood these men, and pointed out the danger. Neither they nor their purposes change. As a distinguished New-Yorker once said of a politician, "that he had rather rule in hell than serve in heaven." The Constitution is good and the Government wise and safe, if they can control it. But, in the hands of the Democracy, every thing is wrong and intolerable. Those actuated by antiDemocratic principles will never be satisfied when such principles prevail and Democrats administer the Government. With them, disunion is preferable.

78.-WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

Washington had a hold upon the affections of his countrymen never excelled and seldom equalled. He was called the Savior and the Father of his country. Most of the people cherished for him the feelings which children entertain toward a father, and he felt for them as for children. The people placed implicit confidence in his wisdom and patriotism, and looked to him for that advice so necessary in a young Government. He had passed through the perils and vicissitudes of war, and the anxieties and inquietudes of peace, and formed the resolution to retire to the peaceful shades of his own Mount Vernon. He was appealed to by those near him for a parting word of advice, which might add to the value of the services he had rendered his country. It was suggested to him that it would be the cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night to guide his countrymen in leading them in the path. safety. He complied with their request, and issued his Farewell of Address, dated September, 1796. The country then had its dangers and perils to encounter, but was too weak and feeble, and had too many external enemies to fear, to leave room for suspicion that disunion would ever be thought of, much less attempted. All were laboring for safety and seeking happiness in prosperity. It was under these circumstances that he gave his cautions and tendered his advice. The following extracts will serve as examples:

"The unity of Government which constitutes you one people

is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your prosperity, of that very liberty you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresce that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth-as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (although often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and to speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of the country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. . .

...

"The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common Government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and, what is perhaps of still greater conse

quence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of the indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interests, as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. . . .

"In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations-Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is, to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations. They tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. . . .

"As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear."

These are words of wisdom, and should command the entire respect of every American. Had they been heard and observed, the whispers of separation of that day would never have occurred nor the growl of secession at the embargo, or the threats of disunion in the times of the Hartford Convention. Nullification would not have shown its snaky head, nor abolition issued its fierce denunciations, to be met by counter-blasts from the

South, nor war shown its frowning, furious front; nor, when it was over, would there have followed under the name of peace a conflict worse than war, by the addition of pestilence and famine, with liberty and the Constitution crushed out, and men groaning and perishing under legislative intolerance and fury, and the iron hand of military tyranny. That Washington consulted Madison in preparing this address, who probably wrote most of it, is a fact that belongs to the record of Democracy.

79.-SILAS WRIGHT.

In 1847, at the time of his death, no man in the United States had a stronger hold upon the confidence of the American people than Silas Wright. The son of a Vermont farmer, he had acquired and preserved the tastes, habits, and many of the manners of that invaluable and reliable class of people. He had risen, by mind alone, from a simple town officer to that of United States Senator and Chief Magistrate of the great State of New York. In Canton, N. Y., where he resided, he cheerfully served his neighbors in various town offices, including that of path-master, working with his own hands on the highways. In the militia he had served from captain to brigadier, and in the civil service from a justice of the peace to the high court for the correction of errors -the latter in virtue of the office of State Senator. His service in the House of Representatives was followed by the more important one of Comptroller of the State, and that followed by the still higher one of United States Senator. His last public service was as Governor of the State in 1845-'46. For no one of these places did he make himself a candidate, but in each was the selected leader of others. No one ever complained of the manner in which he performed the duties of any station he ever held. He was of medium size, erect, and active in all his movements, possessing indomitable energy and perseverance. His appearance was prepossessing, and his manners simple, but those of a gentleman, combining elegant courtesy with sincerity. He was polite to all, and overbearing to none. As a magistrate, he was the settler instead of the promoter of litigation. As a surrogate, he was the able and conscientious adviser of all having business be

fore him. As a lawyer, he has been known to lock his client with his adversary in a room until they settled their difficulties. As a neighbor, he was the standard of comparison for every thing good. As a friend, he was the most reliable. He even declined, when offered by President Tyler, what he would have preferred to all other offices in the world, a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court, because of his attachment to Mr. Van Buren, not being willing to desert him during his contest for the presidency. He was placed in the Senate by his political friends, expecting he would stand by Mr. Van Buren, and neither his inclination nor his duty would permit him to disappoint this expectation of his friends. During the canvass for Governor, the writer had occasion to say what he knew of Mr. Wright, and among other things stated:

"Whatever tended to promote the substantial interests of his town was certain to receive his attention. The construction of roads and bridges, the erection of churches and public edifices, were objects that attracted his early attention, and were essentially promoted by the labor of his own hands. Until public duty called him away, he often acted as path-master in his district, and personally performed as much labor as any citizen. A competition between his and other districts led to results still visible in his town. In case of sickness he was always the first to offer his services. I have known him to walk miles in stormy weather, over muddy roads, to watch with the sick. No one performed this task more frequently or cheerfully. No one is more devoid of selfishness. During my long acquaintance, I never knew him to be laying plans for pecuniary gain or personal advancement. No man has ever accused him of doing a personal wrong or any injustice. He always fulfils his engagements, of every description, with scrupulous fidelity. The example of Mr. Wright on this, as on many other subjects, has exerted a most salutary influence upon the citizens of his town, often noticed and frequently mentioned by the people of other towns. There are but few among his neighbors, of either party, who do not feel heartily proud of him, and manifest an anxiety to act so as to meet his approval. His frankness and sincerity have made impressions upon his friends and associates, which a stranger will readily notice."