deposits is ever performed without involving a distinct political principle. The actor has his motive, and the objector his, which may be, direct or indirect, depending upon what he may ultimately wish to accomplish. General Jackson's avowed object was to defeat the recharter of the bank, and to prevent it from using the deposits in aid of a recharter, and thereby endangering the public money. The object of the Whig party was to aid in securing a recharter of the bank, by continuing to it the free use of millions of public money. These motives involve principles of great magnitude. We discuss one of these elsewhere, and shall now only consider this one: "Ought the bank, to aid in its purposes of securing a renewal of its charter, to have the free and unlimited use of the public moneys on hand?" This is easily answered. These moneys belong to the whole American people, and each one has the same right to their free use upon the principle of equality. Out of some twenty-five millions, a few thousands alone demand this use. Clearly they could show no legitimate claim to such a superior advantage, while it devolves upon the claimant to make clear his right to what he claims. Another question here presents itself: "Can any one claim the use of the public money to aid in influencing Congress to grant him an advantage over all others?" None will directly and openly contend for this. No one has the right, even with his own money, to use it to influence legislation. Legislators should conform to the legitimate wishes of their constituents, and not yield to outside influences, however profitable to themselves. The majority of the people had decided against rechartering the bank, by the reëlection of General Jackson, and to use these moneys for the purposes proposed, would also violate the will of the people.

The great object in view was not to benefit the masses, but to empower the few to control both the business and politics of the country-to permit them to build up or crush down any interest they chose, as well as to point out a path for the voter to travel. All this is in direct conflict with democratic principles, which leave the people free to act as they choose, to the end that they may be free and protected in their persons, business, and character, and left to seek happiness in their own way.

67.-SENATORIAL CONDEMNATION OF GENERAL JACKSON. After the combination between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun, and soon after the compromise measures, the opponents of General Jackson felt strong and confident. These great leaders could readily agree in hostilities against an adversary who had successfully risen above them both. If feelings alone could accomplish it, he would have been crushed to the earth, if not to its very centre. When the Senate talked of impeaching their rising adversary, they exhibited feelings which demonstrated their unfitness to hear and determine any question where he was concerned. He was denounced by Senators for making removals, and especially for removing Duane for not obeying his direction concerning the deposits. Mr. Clay offered, March 28, 1834, a condemnatory resolution, which passed, 26 to 20. It reads as follows:

"Resolved, That the President, in the late executive proceeding in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the Constitution and laws, but in derogation of both."

It contemplated no action, and had no connection with legislation. It was not directed to anybody, and neither commanded nor forbid action. It did not contemplate concurrent action of the House. It was simply an exhibition of strong feeling, intended to sink the President in public estimation. Its effect was the same as the rejection of Mr. Van Buren as minister to England, elevating him who was sought to be crushed. This resolution did not shake the General's firmness. He rose with every effort to depress him. Although the Senate had exercised, to its fullest extent, the privilege of saying hard things against its adversary, it accomplished nothing. It enjoyed a triumph common to all scolds-its members "freed their minds."

When the smoke cleared away, General Jackson determined not to seem to admit the right of the Senate to condemn him unheard, when not in the course of their duty. He sent to the Senate his protest against their condemnatory act. This manly and spirited document was sent to the Senate April 15, 1834. The concluding portion of this paper is so noble and dignified in

tone and in the principles enunciated, that we cannot forbear to copy largely from it. It contains a noble display of purely democratic principles, worthy of a Jefferson, or Madison, or Tompkins:

"The resolution of the Senate contains an imputation upon my private, as well as my public, character; and, as it must stand forever on their journals, I cannot close this substitute for that defence which I have not been allowed to present in the ordinary form, without remarking that I have lived in vain, if it be necessary to enter into a formal vindication of my character and purposes from such an imputation. In vain do I bear upon my person enduring memorials of that contest in which American liberty was purchased; in vain have I since perilled property, fame, and life, in defence of the rights and privileges so dearly bought; in vain am I now, without a personal aspiration, or the hope of individual advantage, encountering responsibilities and dangers, from which, by mere inactivity in relation to a single point, I might have been exempt, if any serious doubts can be entertained as to the purity of my purposes and motives. If I had been ambitious, I should have sought an alliance with that powerful institution, which even now aspires to no divided empire. If I had been venal, I should have sold myself to its designs. Had I preferred personal comfort and official ease, to the performance of my arduous duty, I should have ceased to molest it. In the history of conquerors and usurpers, never, in the fire of youth, nor in the vigor of manhood, could I find an attraction to lure me from the path of duty; and now, I shall scarcely find an inducement to commence the career of ambition, when gray hairs and a decaying frame, instead of inviting to toil and battle, call me to the contemplation of other worlds, where conquerors cease to be honored, and usurpers expiate their crimes. The only ambition I can feel is to acquit myself to Him to whom I must soon render an account of my stewardship, to serve my fellow-men, and live respected and honored in the history of my country. No; the ambition which leads me on, is an anxious desire and a fixed determination to return to the people, unimpaired, the sacred trust they have confided to my charge-to heal the wounds of the Constitution and preserve it from further

violation; to persuade my countrymen, as far as I may, that it is not in a splendid government, supported by powerful monopolies and aristocratical establishments, that they will find happiness, or their liberties protected, but in a plain system, void of pompprotecting all, and granting favors to none-dispensing its blessings like the dews of heaven, unseen and unfelt save in the freshness and beauty they contribute to produce. It is such a government that the genius of our people requires-such a one only under which our States may remain, for ages to come, united, prosperous, and free. If the Almighty Being who has hitherto sustained and protected me will but vouchsafe to make my feeble powers instrumental to such a result, I shall anticipate, with pleasure, the place assigned me in the history of my country, and die contented with the belief, that I have contributed, in some small degree, to increase the value and prolong the duration of American liberty."

Colonel Benton moved a resolution in the Senate to expunge that censuring General Jackson, and, after being often voted down, it was passed, and the resolution expunged, by drawing black lines around it, and writing on its face: "Expunged by order of the Senate, this 16th day of March, 1837." So ended this conspiracy to crush a President for performing his duty to the people and Constitution. This triumph in civil duty was like that at New Orleans in his military capacity.

68.-MICHAEL HOFFMAN.

Admiral Hoffman, as he was called, from his long service as chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs in Congress, was regarded by all who knew him as an unpolished diamond. To a clear head he added a pure, incorruptible heart. His mind was stored with useful knowledge, which he knew how to use. In manners he was not rough, but plain, simple, and sincere, without ostentation, parade, or ceremony. He was a Democrat by profession and in practice, and understood the principles as well as the supposed mysteries of government. He studied closely and reflected deeply, and seldom drew an erroneous conclusion. He is the father of the New York financial system, now found in her

constitution; he first securing its adoption by the Legislature in 1842, and then in the organic law of 1846. No one better understood the question of the State finances, or was more sincere in securing their benefits to the people at large.

Mr. Hoffman was born in 1788, at Clifton Park, Saratoga County, New York. He first studied medicine, and was admitted a physician. But practice in that profession had no charms for him. His mind was better adapted to logic and law, and he studied in Herkimer, and was soon admitted as an attorney. In the practice of his profession he soon acquired a high position. With a naturally well-balanced mind, he added the practice, not very common among the profession, of accurately weighing and determining the facts and law involved in his case. He possessed the rare faculty of drawing all the facts in the case from his client, which enabled him to perfectly understand it. In 1824 he was elected to Congress, where he served eight years. He there mastered every subject that came up, and, when he chose to, discussed it with great clearness and force. Although from the interior, he was placed, at an early day, at the head of the Committee on Naval Affairs, where he highly distinguished himself. After leaving Congress, he was appointed Canal Commissioner, but resigned in 1835. In 1841 he was elected to the Assembly, and was reëlected the next year. It was during this service that he secured the great reform in State finances. As a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1846, he achieved his highest honors. He was subsequently appointed Naval Officer at New York, and died in 1848. Selfishness never sullied his character. Throughout his public career, he labored to secure to the masses the blessings of a free government, by protecting the weak against the strong, and the machinations of the selfish. He carried his great point of protecting the State finances for the benefit of the whole against the schemes of the selfish and the necessities of those seeking political elevation, who had not the ability to secure it without using the people's money to buy their votes.