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sibly suffer if a man having money should discount notes and buy and sell exchange, nor was there any legitimate object accomplished by declaring notes and securities he might receive to be null and void.

56. THE ACQUISITION OF FLORIDA.

Mr. Monroe is entitled to the credit of acquiring Florida-the Land of Flowers. After we acquired Louisiana, this territory was entirely disconnected with any Spanish or foreign possession of any European government. Owing to the great extent of waste land, the settlement of it had been slow and very limited. To Spain it was hardly worth governing. Her policy in settling her American possessions partook of the character of extreme liberality to the settler. He asked for land, described what he wanted, stated his ability and intention to use it for a definite purpose, and the governor made the grant and some official put him in possession. He paid nothing but officers' fees. The better parts of Florida had been thus granted. Court favorites had also acquired large grants by special royal favor. Hence that peninsula was of little intrinsic value to the mother-country, and hence her willingness to sell. The purchase was useful to us. It had been the headquarters of pirates and other vicious men, some of whom urged the Southern Indians to aggressions upon the whites within our limits. General Jackson chased these desperate men to St. Mark's and Pensacola, and inflicted summary justice upon them. To prevent all future difficulties, Spain wisely concluded to sell and we to buy. But the treaty contained one costly error. Our Louisiana purchase clearly extended to the Rio del Norte. In defining our boundary on the west side of Louisiana our negotiator consented to make the Sabine River the boundary, thus giving Spain all between the latter and the former, being the whole of Texas, worth twenty times as much as Florida, though then doubtless thought of little value. The effort to bring this Texas region back into the Union was the chief cause of our war with Mexico. The acquisition of Florida has been, on the whole, of vast importance to us. It is far better to own it, than to have a foreign government for a neighbor. We can far better protect

our people.

57.-REMARKS ON MR. MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION.

.

Mr. Monroe was a superior Executive officer, and he had the good fortune to call about him several very able men as advisers and assistants. John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford, John C. Calhoun, B. W. Crowninshield, and William Wirt were able men. The general business of the Government was well conducted. He took responsibility without hesitation and without a murmur. It was his purpose to carry out the principles of Jefferson, Madison, and the Democratic party. In judging of mankind he committed one great mistake. He thought that the "era of good feeling," as it was called, had a solid foundation to rest upon, and that Government could exist without political parties, forming and dividing on principle. Such a view is pleasant to contemplate, but can never practically be of long continuance. Men never did and never will think alike upon questions affecting the public interest. Some will be selfish and others not. will judge wisely and others foolishly. Some will ever seek to govern, while others are only satisfied when all participate in public affairs. The affairs of Government would soon go wrong, if there were no sentinels to point out dangers. Each party is a watch upon the other, calling attention to the practical operation of whatever is done or proposed.

Some

out of sight, and

But he lived to

Mr. Monroe had seen the Federal party drop seemed to think that party spirit went with it. see sorry consequences of this error. Before he left office he saw the Democratic party torn by dissensions and shattered into fragments. He saw, in his own cabinet, three aspirants for his seat, another in the House of Representatives, and another at the Hermitage in Tennessee, each claiming to be the better Democrat, and to be the most fit to become his successor. He saw, too, that this disruption of the Democratic party induced the Federal party, under another name, to rally in support of the one who sat nearest him at the council-board, and to organize a party which has under some name opposed the Democratic party and its principles, with this gentleman as an active leader. The success of Mr. Monroe in 1820, though gratifying indeed, proved that a

victory, won where there was neither battle nor contest, is usually ruinous to the victor by the consequence it entails. The contest of 1824 was sufficiently terrible to make up for the absence of any in 1820. The people gave neither candidate a majority. Jackson had 99, Adams 84, Crawford 41, and Clay 37 votes. The House of Representatives, voting by States, elected from the three who had the most votes. Instead of devoting themselves to the business of legislation, the attention of members seemed mostly engrossed in President-making. Bargains and corruptions were freely charged upon each, and, whether true or not, the reputation of that Congress, at home and abroad, suffered much from the election in the House. It is understood that, before his death, Mr. Monroe arrived at the conclusion that, if it were possible, it would not be best to try to banish political parties from among us.

58.-THE NEW YORK STATE CONSTITUTIONS OF 1821 AND 1846.

New York formed her first constitution the year after the Declaration of Independence. It prescribed a property qualification for those voting for Governor and Senators. All appointments, down to the county magistrates, were made by the Governor. The Governor, Chancellor, and Judges of the Supreme Court constituted a Council of Revision, holding the veto-power. There was also a Council of Appointment, consisting of one Senator from each of the Senate districts, to be selected by the Assembly annually. Thus all power was concentrated in a few hands at the State capital. The Democracy of the State considered these and some other provisions as anti-Democratic, and wished them changed. The Federalists were decidedly opposed to it, and resorted to various efforts to prevent the call of a convention. When the law authorizing it had passed, notwithstanding the recent lull in politics, the Federalists threw into the convention as many of their ablest partisans as they could elect, but failed in commanding a majority of the delegates. The convention was the great battle-ground for the ascendency of political principles. Columbia County, where Mr. Van Buren resided, was then anti-Democratic. To secure the ser

ices of this popular Democratic leader, Otsego County elected him one of her five delegates. The best talent in the State was found in this convention. Governor Tompkins was made presi

dent of it.

The anti-Democrats, though not seriously objecting to some modifications of the old constitution, were unwilling to submit to the radical changes proposed by the Democrats. They were satisfied with the arrangement of the courts, the appointing power, and the restricted elective franchise. The Democrats were not satisfied with either. Under the old system, the judges of the Supreme Court, generally twice a year, visited every county in the State, to hold Circuit and Oyer and Terminer Courts. They formed the acquaintance of the bar, sheriffs, clerks, local judges, and leading men, and especially of their own party, and became their organ, with the appointing power at the capital. This made them, in fact, the agents of their party in political matters. Their influence was potent both at Albany and in the counties. The appointing power owed no responsibility to the voters. Removals and appointments sometimes so surprised the people, that they often imputed bad motives to men in high places, and stigmatized their acts as "political jugglery." They could not well fathom. the motives of the actors, and, where they could not understand them, they were more apt to condemn than approve. They could not comprehend why the owner of real estate was more competent or better entitled to vote for Governor and Senator than one of equal intelligence who had none.

The Democrats set themselves to work to get rid of these objectionable features, and substitute others which should bring home to the people the business of self-government. The old judicial system was mainly swept away, and a new one instituted, providing a Court of Chancery, to be held at the capital, a Supreme Court to perform only duties in bank, and eight circuit judges to hold courts to try issues of fact in the counties, and who were also to act as vice-chancellors in their districts. This rendered the judges politically powerless. It left no cords binding the judges and the county politicians together. The council of appointment was stricken down, and the judges, masters in

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chancery, surrogates, and some other minor officers were to be appointed by the Governor, with the consent of the Senate. Sheriffs were made elective, and clerks and district attorneys were appointed by the courts. The justices of the peace were first directed to be appointed by the Board of Supervisors, but subsequently made elective by the towns. The freehold qualification was abolished, so that every man could participate in practical self-government. Militia officers were made elective, the company officers by the privates, and all above, by commissioned officers, and the State officers by the Legislature. The seat of political power was changed from the State capital to the counties. The masses became more powerful and were felt in the affairs of state. Formerly, if they had wishes upon political subjects, they could not make themselves heard, to any considerable extent, but now they can command attention and force respect from political leaders. Formerly the question was, "What will the political manager say?" now, "What will the people say?" In practice, we began to carry out self-government. The battle was long, and every inch of ground closely contested, but the victory was won. The work so well begun in 1821 was extended in 1846, so that nearly every officer in the State is made elective by immediate constituents. Every school district, town, county, Assembly, Senate, and Supreme Court district, transacts its own business, appointing its own agents. The Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, State officers, Canal Commissioners, and Judges of the Court of Appeals-all are elective by the common voters. The people, in their sovereign capacity of electors, in nearly all their business, nominate and elect their own agents, and hold them accountable for their trust. If they are indifferent, or unwise, and select weak, incompetent, or dishonest agents, the punishment falls upon them alone. They have no one to complain of. The man who thinks he can select one agent that will be more wise and honest than himself in appointing another, pays himself a poor compliment. This theory was incorporated into the national Constitution, in appointing electors of President and Vice-President, but has not once been practically carried out. Those selecting the electors have, in all cases, done so with a full understanding as to who they would

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