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constitute a more radical revolution in our

form of government than even secession,

certainly mistake not only the age in which we live, but the people whom they represent, and who sympathize in no desire to take a bloody revenge on those who think they can live more peacefully and prosperously alone, than in a Union with those who have, for years, irritated them almost to madness, by denouncing them as a reproach and a disgrace."

Mr. Johnson concluded in these words:

“But we are asked, rather triumphantly, 'Have we a government?' The question is intended to imply, that the government must be strong enough for self-preservation, whatever may become a necessary means. The answer is, that the government is as strong as its founders could agree to make it. Its weakness in emergencies like the present was foreseen by the men that framed the Constitution; but they soon perceived that they must take the Constitution as it now stands, or no confederation could be formed. If, therefore, we now attempt to strengthen the government by coërcive action, which all men know its founders would have rejected with scorn, we are the revolutionists, and not the South; so jealous, indeed, were the States of Federal interference, that its protection of them against domestic violence was prohibited, till the disturbed State applied for protection by its legislature, or by its chief executive when the legislature could not be convened. If, then, the States would not accept protection from the general government till it was demanded, how much less would they have accepted coërcion against their own actions! The government was strong enough while cemented by mutual good fellowship; but no government, and ours the least of all, is sufficiently strong to resist incessant aggravations. Finally, if Congress and our States cannot, or will not, win back our Southern brethren, let us, at least, part as friends; and then possibly, if experience shall, as we suppose it will, show the departed States that, in leaving the Union, they have only deserted a happy home, they may be willing to sue us to readmit them; or, if they shall find a permanent separation more desirable than Union, we may still exist together as useful and profitable neighbors, assisting each other when either is threatened by injustice from the nations of Europe; and the two sections, instead of wasting their time and energies in quarreling with each other about Slavery, will at least have more time to severally employ all their energies in seeking their own prosperity in their own way."

Gov. Horatio Seymour followed, berating the Republicans generally, but especially those in Congress, as the responsible authors of the perils now darkening the National sky. Referring to the refusal of the Republicans in Congress to cooperate in the legalization of Slavery in the territories, he asked:

"What spectacle do we present to-day? Already six States have withdrawn from this confederacy. Revolution has actually beThe term 'secession' divests it of gun. none of its terrors, nor do arguments to prove secession inconsistent with our Constitution stay its progress, or mitigate its evils. All virtue, patriotism, and intelligence, seem to have fled from our National Capitol; it has been well likened to the conflagration of an asylum for madmen-some look on with idiotic imbecility; some in sullen silence; and

some scatter the firebrands which consume the fabric above them, and bring upon all a common destruction. Is there one revolting aspect in this scene which has not its parallel at the Capitol of your country? Do you not see there the senseless imbecility, the garrulous idiocy, the maddened rage, displayed with regard to petty personal passions and party purposes, while the glory, the honor, and the safety of the country are all forgotten? The same pervading fanaticism has brought evil upon all the institutions of

our land. Our churches are torn asunder and desecrated to partisan purposes. The wrongs of our local legislation, the growing burdens of debt and taxation, the gradual destruction of the African in the Free States, which is marked by each recurring census, are all due to the neglect of our own duties, caused by the complete absorption of the public mind by a senseless, unreasoning fanaticism. The agitation of the question of Slavery has thus far brought greater social, moral, and legislative evils upon the people of the free States than it has upon the institutions of those against whom it has been excited. The wisdom of Franklin stamped upon the first coin issued by our government, the wise motto, 'Mind your business!' The violation of this homely proverb, which lies at the foundation of the doctrines of local rights, has, thus far, proved more hurtful to the meddlers in the affairs of others than to those against whom this pragmatic action is directed."

Gov. Seymour proceeded to argue that the North had, thus far, had

GOV. SEYMOUR URGES CONCESSION.

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and sins of his adversaries is one of the politician's commonest exhibitions of sincerity and patriotism. Thus Gov. Seymour continues:

greatly the advantage in the division | ingenuous confession of the errors or disposition of the Federal territories-that the claims put forth on behalf of the South were just and reasonable that the difference ought to be settled by compromise-that we have no alternative but compromise or civil war—adding:

"We are advised by the conservative States of Virginia and Kentucky that, if force is to be used, it must be exerted against the united South. It would be an act of folly and madness, in entering upon this contest, to underrate our opponents, and thus subject ourselves to the disgrace of defeat in an inglorious warfare. Let us also see if successful coercion by the North is less revolutionary than successful secession by the South. Shall we prevent revolution by being foremost in overthrowing the principles of our government, and all that makes it valuable to our people, and distinguishes it among the nations of the earth?"

Gov. Seymour proceeded to dilate on the valor and sagacity of the men of the South-the extent of their coast-line, rendering its effectual blockade nearly impossible-the ruin of our own industry which must result from civil war and to urge afresh the necessity of compromise; saying:

"The question is simply this-'Shall we have compromise after war, or compromise

without war?'”

He urged that a compromise was required, not to pacify the States which have seceded from the Union, but to save the Border States from following, by strengthening the hands of their Unionists.

"Let us take care that we do not mistake

passion and prejudice and partisan purposes for principle. The cry of 'no compromise' is false in morals; it is treason to the spirit of the Constitution; it is infidelity in religion: the cross itself is a compromise, and is pleaded by many who refuse all charity to their fellow-citizens. It is the vital principle of social existence; it unites the family circle; it sustains the church, and upholds nationalities.

ing won a victory, we ask them to surren"But the Republicans complain that, havder its fruits. We do not wish them to give up any political advantage. We urge measures which are demanded by the honor and the safety of our Union. Can it be that they are less concerned than we are? Will they admit that they have interests antagonistic to those of the whole commonwealth? Are they making sacrifices, when they do that which is required by the common welfare?"

Had New England and some other of the Fremont States revolted, or threatened to revolt, after the elecwould never recognize nor obey Mr. tion of 1856, proclaiming that they Buchanan as President, unless ample guarantees were accorded them that Kansas should thenceforth be regarded and treated as a Free Territory or State, would any prominent Democrat have thus insisted that this demand should be complied with? Would he have urged that the question of Freedom or Slavery in Kansas should be submitted to a direct popular vote, as the only means of averting civil war? Yet Gov. Sey

There is no point whereon men are apt to evince more generosity than in the sacrifice of other men's convic-mour demanded the submission of tions. What they may consider vital principles, but which we regard as besotted prejudices or hypocritical pretenses, we are always willing to subordinate to any end which we consider beneficent. In fact, a frank,

the Crittenden Compromise to such a vote, under circumstances wherein (as Gov. Seward had so forcibly stated) "the argument of fear" was the only one relied on, and Republicans were to be coërced into voting for

that Compromise, or staying away from the polls; not that their convictions had changed one iota, but because they could only thus avert the unutterable woes and horrors of a gigantic and desperate civil war. Mr. James S. Thayer (a Whig of other days) followed in a speech which urged the call, by the Legislature, of a constitutional State Convention, to march abreast with similar Conventions in the Border Slave States, in quest of "some plan of adjustment on this great question of difference between the North and the South." He continued:

"If we cannot, we can at least, in an authoritative way and a practical manner, arrive at the basis of a peaceable separation [renewed cheers]; we can at least by discussion enlighten, settle, and concentrate the public sentiment in the State of New York upon this question, and save it from that fearful current, that circuitously, but certainly, sweeps madly on, through the narrow gorge of the enforcement of the laws,' to the shoreless ocean of civil war. [Cheers.] Against this, under all circumstances, in every place and form, we must now and at all times oppose a resolute and unfaltering resistance. The public mind will bear the avowal, and let us make it-that if a revolution of force is to begin, it shall be inaugurated at home. [Cheers.] And if the incoming Administration shall attempt to carry out the line of policy that has been foreshadowed, we announce that, when the hand of Black Republicanism turns to blood

2 The Bangor (Maine) Union of about this date (copied approvingly into The Cincinnati Enquirer of February 8th), said:

"The difficulties between the North and the South must be compromised, or the separation of the States SHALL BE PEACEABLE. If the Republican party refuse to go the full length of the Crittenden Amendment-which is the very least the South can or ought to take--then, here in Maine, not a Democrat will be found who will raise an arm against his brethren of the South. From one end of the State to the other, let the cry of the Democracy be, COMPROMISE OR PEACEABLE SEPARATION."

The Detroit Free Press of February 3d or 4th (copied into The Cincinnati Enquirer of February 6th), more boldly and frankly said:

"We can tell the Republican Legislature, and

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that Southern Secession, under the Mr. Thayer proceeded to argue circumstances, was justified by ur

gent considerations of necessity and safety. He said:

"The Democratic and Union party at the North made the issue at the last election with the Republican party that, in the event of their success, and the establishment of their policy, the Southern States not only would go out of the Union, but would have adequate cause for doing so. [Applause.] Who of us believed that, with the government in the hands of a party whose avowed policy was no more slave States, no further extension of Slavery, and asserting the power and duty of Congress to prohibit it in all the territories, that the Southern States would remain in the Union? It seems to me, thus encompassed and menaced, they could not, with safety to their largest interest, and any prudent consideration for their future condition and welfare, continue in the confederacy. What would become, in twenty-five years, of 8,000,000 of white people and 4,000,000 of slaves, with their natural increase, walled in by Congressional prohibition, besieged and threatened by a party holding the seats of Federal power and patronage, that, according to the doctrine of the President elect, must arrest the further spread of Slavery,' and place the institution itself 'where the public mind will rest satis

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the Republican Administration of Michigan, and the Republican party everywhere, one thing: that, if the refusal to repeal the Personal Liberty laws shall be persisted in, and if there shall not be a change in the present seeming purpose to yield to no accommodation of the National difficulties, and if troops shall be raised in the North to march against the people of the South, a fire in the rear will be opened upon such troops, which will either stop their march altogether, or wonderfully accelerate it.

"In other words, if, in the present posture of the Republican party toward the National difficulties, war shall be waged, that war will be fought in the North. We warn it that the conflict, which it is precipitating, will not be with the South, but with tens of thousands of people in the North. When civil war shall come, it will be here in Michigan, and here in Detroit, and in every Northern State."

J. S. THAYER AND R. H. WALWORTH ON 'PEACE.'

fied in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction?'

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"This is the position I took, with 313,000 voters in the State of New York, on the 6th of November last. I shall not recede from it; having admitted that, in a certain contingency, the Slave States would have just and adequate causes for a separation. Now that the contingency has happened, I shall not withdraw that admission, because they have been unwise or unreasonable in the time, mode, and measure of redress.' [Applause.]

"Aside from particular acts that do not admit of any justification, those who imagine that the Southern States do not well know what they are about, forget that they have been for fifteen years looking at this thing with all its importance to their largest interest, as well as to their safety, and mistake the deep and deliberate movement of a revolution for the mere accidents and incidents which always accompany it. [Applause.] There are some Democrats and Union men who, when the fever for a fight has subsided, will wake up and wonder that they mistook the madness of passion for the glow of patriotism. Again: we should consider that, whatever may be our construction of the Constitution under which we live, as to any right under it for one or more States to go out of the Union, when six States, by the deliberate,

formal, authoritative action of their people, dissolve their connection with the government, and nine others say that that dissolution shall be final if the seceding members so choose, announcing to the North, 'No interference; we stand between you and them.' Can you bring them back? No! Enforcement of the laws in six States is a war with fifteen. And, after all, to speak plainly on this subject, and reveal the true secret of the utter repugnance of the people to resort to any coërcive measures, it is within their plain judgment and practical common sense, that the very moment you go outside the narrow circle of the written letter and provisions of the Constitution of the United States, you are confronted with the great world of facts, and find this is not a consolidated government; not a government of the whole people in the sense and meaning now attached to it. [Applause.]"

Mr. Thayer proceeded to speak of "coërcion” in terms which go far to elucidate the outcry since made against alleged usurpations and disregard of personal rights in dealing with partisans of the Rebellion. Said

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393

"It is announced that the Republican Administration will enforce the laws against and in all the seceding States. A nice discrimination must be exercised in the performance of this duty: not a hair's breadth outside the mark. You remember the story of William Tell, who, when the condition was imposed upon him to shoot an apple from the head of his own child, after he had performed the task, he let fall an arrow. 'For what is that?" said Gesler. To kill thee, tyrant, had I slain my boy!' [Cheers.] Let one arrow winged by the Federal bow strike the heart of an American citizen, and who can number the avenging darts that will cloud the heavens in the conflict that will ensue? [Prolonged applause.] What, then, is the duty of the State of New York? What shall we say to our people when we come to meet this state of facts? That the Union must be preserved. But if that cannot be, what then? Peaceable separation. [Applause.] Painful and humiliating as it is, let us temper it with all we can of love and kindness, so that we may yet be left in a comparatively prosperous condition, in friendly relations with another Confederacy. [Cheers.]"

The Committee on Resolutions having reported, the venerable ex-Chancellor, Reuben H. Walworth, appeared on the platform in support of the second, which earnestly deprecated civil war; saying:

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'Civil War will not restore the Union, but will defeat, forever, its reconstruction." Said the ex-Chancellor :

"It would be as brutal, in my opinion, to send men to butcher our own brothers of the Southern States, as it would be to massacre them in the Northern States. We are told, however, that it is our duty to, and we must, enforce the laws. But why-and what laws are to be enforced? There were laws that were to be enforced in the time of the American Revolution, and the British Parliament and Lord North sent armies here to enforce them.

"But what did Washington say in regard to the enforcement of those laws? That man-honored at home and abroad more

than any other man on earth ever was honored-did he go for enforcing the laws? No, he went to resist laws that were oppressive against a free people, and against the injustice of which they rebelled. [Loud cheers.]

"Did Lord Chatham go for enforcing the laws? No, he gloried in defence of the lib

erties of America. He made that memorable declaration in the British Parliament, "If I was an American citizen instead of being as I am, an Englishman, I never would submit to such laws-never, never, never!' [Prolonged applause.]"

A single voice was raised in dissent from these inculcations. A. Mr. Elseffer having proposed to amend one of the reported resolutions by an assertion that, if the Federal Government should undertake to "use force," "under the specious and untenable pretense of enforcing the laws," it would "plunge the nation into civil war," and been warmly supported therein by Mr. Thayer and others, Hon. Geo. W. Clinton, of Buffalo, rose in opposition, and said:

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"We all agree in detesting the very thought of war. [Applause.] But is our country gone? Is the Union dissolved? Is there no government binding these States in peace and harmony! Why, the proposition was before you, ten minutes ago, that this Union was dissolved, and you voted it down. God grant it may for ever continue! [Applause.] Oh! let us conciliate our erring brethren who, under a strange delusion, have, as they say, seceded from us; but, for God's sake, do not let us humble the glorious government under which we have been so happy!--which has done, and, if we will by judicious means sustain it, will yet do, so much for the happiness of mankind. [Applause.]

"Gentlemen: I hate to use a word that would offend my Southern brother, erring as he does; but we have reached a time when, as a man-if you please, as a Democrat-I must use plain terms. There is no such thing as legal secession. There is no such thing, I say, unless it is a secession unless it is a secession which is authorized by the original compact, and the Constitution of these United States was intended to form a firm and perpetual Union. [Cheers.] There is no warrant for it in the Constitution. Where, then, do you find the warrant for it? It is in the unhappy delusion of our Southern brethren, who doubt our love for them and our attachment to the Constitution. Let us remove that illusion. We will try to do it. But if secession be not lawful, oh! what is it! I use the term reluctantly but truly—it is rebellion! [Cries of 'No! No! revolution.']

It is rebellion! rebellion against the noblest government that man ever framed for his own benefit and for the benefit of the world." "[A VOICE: We are all rebels, then.]"

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Judge CLINTON: May be so, sir. Gentlemen, this secession doctrine is not a new thing. The people have passed upon it. They passed upon it in the last war. may do what you please, my friend; but I never, never can be prevailed upon to see, by any process of reasoning, by any impulse of feeling, that the Hartford Convention was not what the people of the Union pronounced is it this secession? I am not speaking of it—a damnable treason. [Applause.] What the men. I love the men, but I hate treason. What is it, but the nullification of all the rights of the United States, and the execution of the laws! A threat to reject them, in arms! It is nullification by the wholeJACKSON, and my blood boiled, in old time, sale. I, for one, have venerated ANDREW when that brave patriot and soldier of Democracy said-The Union-it must and shall be preserved!' [Loud applause.] Preserve it! Preserve it! Why should we preserve it, if it would be the thing that these gentlemen would make it that this amendment would make it! Why should we love a government that has no dignity and no power? [Applause.] Admit the doctrine, and what have you? A government that no man who is a freeman ought to be content for one day to live under. Admit it, and any State, of its own sovereign will, may retire from the Union! Look at it for a moment. Congress, for just cause,for free trade or sailor's rights-declares war. Oh! where is your government! Why should it! What right has it to declare war! The Constitution invested that power in it, but one State says, 'War is not for me— I secede.' And so another and another, and the government is rendered powerless. ***

"I understand this amendment to have this point, and no other. It is perfectly nugatory and useless, unless it has this point, because all the other points for which it can provide are already provided for in the resolution. It is this: You shall use no force to protect the property of the United States, to retain it in your possession, or to collect your revenue for the common benefit, and the payment of the common debt. Now, I am willing to say, that the government is false to itself, false to us, and false to all, if it should use more than necessary force for these purposes; but I am not prepared to humble the general government at the feet of the seceding States. [Applause.] I am unwilling to say to the government, 'You must abandon your property-you must

3 Son of the illustrious De Witt Clinton.

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