James W. Frizzell, Darke. 5. Philip V. Herzing, Auglaize. 6. James Pursell, Fayette. 7. Moses D. Brock, Greene. 8. John S. Jones, Delaware. 9. William B. Sloan, Ottawa. IO. George Lasky, Wood. II. Peter Kinney, Scioto. 12. James T. Worthington, Ross. 13. John A. Sinnett, Licking. 14. Hiram Bronson, Medina. 15. William M. Pitt, Monroe. 16. Lewis C. Davis, Tuscarawas. 17. Robert H. Sherrard, Jefferson. 18. Sidney Edgerton, Summit. 19. Buell Burns, Ashtabula.

Secretary: Benjamin Rush Cowen, of Belmont.

Assistant Secretaries: James M. Nash, of Mahoning; William P. Wilsey, of Hamilton; Edward S. Wilson, of Lawrence; Benjamin E. Sheldon, of Henry; William L. Myers, of Hocking.

Mr. Odlin addressed the Convention at some length and his remarks were frequently interrupted with cheers, or other manifestations of appreciation and approval. Said he:

You opened this Convention with prayer, because allegiance to God and to country are fitting declarations for every such body. In such a country as we have, founded upon the will of the people, allegiance to God is the height of genuine patriotic manhood. It is right, too, in a convention representing a sentiment which is now about to establish, by permanent, binding ligaments, the Nationality of the Republic, to spread over the people that which they decree -law, order, government-over peaceful, quiet homes, where equal protection will be extended to all. We believe that our Nationality will be preserved; that this country now, after its baptism of blood, will stand up with strength, power and unity, and the voice that will be heard both at home and abroad. Standing upon the broad basis of purity and power, we believe that our country will sustain its divine mission, among belligerent nations even, without any other influence than the will of its people. * ** Power must, if necessary, be exerted to protect the freedman in his rights. Measures and men are necessary

with hearts and purposes firm enough to cause the Constitutional Amendments to be respected and obeyed. We must have guarantees that no State and no party shall in any future day attempt to exact pay for the crime of treason or for the blood consumed in defense of that crime. We must hold sacred the fruits of the deeds of valor of our soldiers won upon the field of battle. They were great achievements. We may speak of them now and imagine we feel their power and magnitude, but who can appreciate them or weigh their full strength until they are fully incorporated in the Constitution and made perfect in their operation upon all the people in the land, some of whom have been suffering long in darkness and oppression? If before it was a proud thing to be a citizen of the United States, how much more so will it be hereafter! Permit me to say, before we proceed to business, that the body of men, who, through long weeks-aye months the Committee in Congress on Reconstruction, have toiled to accomplish a work so satisfactory to the country, are eminently entitled to the thanks of the people. With firm determination the people will see that, the war of the rebellion being ended, the principles embodied in that Committee's report shall be established as permanent law, and then the country will rest in security under it. Endorse their work and the State of Ohio will stand, as she has stood under our party in days past, one of the principal pillars of strength to the loyal Government and Nationality of the country.

For Secretary of State, William Henry Smith, of Hamilton; Thomas F. Wildes, of Athens; James S. Robinson, of Hardin; and Henry B. Banning, of Knox, were named; but the last mentioned was withdrawn before the balloting began. Before the result of the ballot was announced, frequent changes were made, the military delegates concentrating on Wildes and the others on Smith, each being cheered by one faction or the other. The excitement was intense as the scale throughout was very evenly balanced. Motions to declare the ballot void and begin anew were declared out of order, but a motion that the Secretary declare the result was finally adopted. The changes were being read to verify the result when a motion was made to suspend the rules and

Each resolution was received with great applause and the report was unanimously adopted as read, without discussion or division.

The applause following this action had scarcely ceased before the gifted Frederick Hassaurek, of Cincinnati, the ablest German orator Ohio has produced, was called for. He attempted to excuse himself on account of the late hour, -it was after two o'clock at night-but his excuse was drowned with renewed clamors for a speech, and Mr. Hassaurek reluctantly complied in a sensible and patriotic address, so eloquent and forcible that scarcely a delegate or spectator changed his position during its delivery, except to applaud some striking passage, or cheer a noble thought.

A "Johnson State Convention" to nominate delegates to a National Convention, commonly given the same name, to be held at Philadelphia, assembled at Naughten Hall, Columbus, Thursday, August 7th. The following delegates-at-large were selected: Lewis D. Campbell, James B. Steedman and William S. Groesbeck. It presented no

State ticket or platform.

In September President Johnson, accompanied by Secretaries Welles and Seward and Generals Grant, Steedman, Rosseau, McCallum and Custer, and Admiral Farragut, visited Ohio, and were accorded a grand reception in Columbus on the 12th inst. Here, as elsewhere, the President delivered an address of some length to an audience of several thousand, on the East Terrace of the State House-in explanation and defense of his policy with regard to the South and reconstruction. But it apparently did his cause no good, for the vote cast in Ohio in 1866 was much larger than that of the previous year, while the Republican plurali

THE

..

HE contest of 1867 is commonly known in Ohio as the Negro Suffrage Campaign;" for, whether wisely, or even necessarily, or not, the Republicans made a direct issue with their opponents upon that question. The Democratic leaders at their State Conventions had pressed the question in every conceivable guise for the previous six years.

They resolved in 1860 against negro suffrage in plank seven of their State platform as follows: "We are opposed to the policy of allowing negroes, mulattoes, or other persons of visible admixture of African blood, the right of suffrage or any other political right, desiring that the laws of Ohio shall be made and her destinies controlled by white men exclusively, and for the para

mount interest of the white race."

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In 1861 they resolved that when the people of the North do their duties to the Constitution and the South" (regarding slavery), then, and not until then, would it be proper" for the 200,000 Democrats of Ohio to take into consideration the question of the right and propriety of coercion."

On the Fourth of July, 1862, they resolved, see fifth plank of their State platform, "We are opposed to emancipation by Congressional legislation, or Executive proclamation, because (1) the immediate

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and indiscriminate emancipation of slaves would be an act of inhumanity to them;" and because (5) an emancipation would throw upon the Border Free States, and especially Ohio, an immense number of negroes to compete with and underwork the white laborers of the State, and to constitute in various ways an almost or quite unbearable nuisance if suffered to remain among us; (6) and we deem it unjust to our soldiers to see them compelled to free the negroes of the South and thereby fill Ohio. with a degraded population to compete with these same soldiers upon their return to the peaceful vocations of life; that, entertaining these views, we can not too strongly condemn the refusal of a General Assembly to prohibit by law the immigration of negroes into this State; (7) that we are opposed to being taxed to purchase the freedom of negro slaves. With all due respect to the opinion of others, we think

that such a measure would be unconstitu

tional, impolitic and unjust.'

At their State Convention on June 11, 1863, they resolved (6), "that in the exercise of the right to differ with the Federal Executive, we enter our solemn protest against the proclamation of the President of the United States, dated January 1, 1863, by which he assumes to emancipate slaves in certain States, holding the same to be