Emancipation by purchase, however, was not possible. Passion was at such height that the North was not willing to acknowledge any element of justice in Mr. Lincoln's proposal. The people of the North refused to concede that slavery had become a national, rather than a sectional sin. Mr. Lincoln's plan for the peaceable adjustment of the slavery question failed because the point had been reached at which inflamed passions would not listen to counsels of moderation.

The Southern States, by resolutions of secession, had determined to depart from the Union. But from Mr. Lincoln's point of view, their resolutions were void, as every State was an integral part of the Union, and had no power to separate from it. There was even more than that in Mr. Lincoln's view of the Union. He, and other statesmen, believed that the United States was so far from being a confederacy that it was not competent to discuss the departure of one of the States; that the Union which, after the failure of the association of the Colonies under the Articles of Confederation, had been made so absolute that to consider seriously the departure of one of the States, was to endanger the integrity of the entire governmental structure.

The opposite view in the South was that each

State maintained its autonomy, was only one of several States which had voluntarily entered the Union, and had the right at any time to go out and remain an independent sovereignty, or join with other States in the formation of a new confederacy. With the hotheads on both sides in the ascendancy, the war was inevitable. As Seward had declared, it was "an irrepressible conflict."

On April 15, 1861, President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling a special meeting of Congress, in which he referred to the secession movement in the slave States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, and Texas, announcing that he had called out seventy-five thousand militia from the several States to maintain order and enforce the Federal laws, and summoned Congress to take such measures as "in their wisdom the public safety and interest may seem to demand."

Forsythe, of Alabama, and Crawford, of Georgia, had gone to Washington, March 12th, as commissioners from the seven seceding States to treat with the Federal Government. By Mr. Lincoln's direction, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, refused to receive them, on the ground, as Mr. Lincoln stated, that it "could not be admitted that the States referred to had in law or fact with

drawn." Mr. Seward's communication was written March 15th, but was withheld from publication until the 8th of April, when it was delivered. The issue was now joined. The refusal of the Secretary of State to receive the distinguished commissioners of the South was something in itself not calculated to pacify the ruffled feelings of the boasted chivalry of the slave States.

Lincoln directed that provisions and munitions be forwarded to Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor. General Beauregard, of the Confederate Army, telegraphed the Confederate Secretary of War that he had been notified that the supplies would be sent, either peaceably, or by force. Beauregard was instructed to demand the surrender of the fort, which he did on April 11, 1861. The demand was refused by Major Anderson, in command. Negotiations followed, and Major Anderson finally agreed to evacuate the fort by noon April 15th. Beauregard had demanded the evacuation by the 12th, and now notified Major Anderson at half past three, April 12th, that the Confederate batteries would open fire in an hour from that moment.

The war was on. A bombardment of thirtythree hours followed, every shot resounding through the land. The question whether or

not there was to be war was answered; there

was war.

The South sprang quickly to the support of the seven seceding States. Other States which had refused to join the movement now passed ordinances of secession and threw their resources into the Southern cause. With equal promptness the North responded to the call to arms, ninetyfive per cent. of the people above Mason's and Dixon's line endorsing Lincoln's call. The issues that had disturbed the country so long were now to be decided by the fearful arbitrament of a fratricidal war.

With brother arrayed against brother, with hatred swelling into rage, Mr. Lincoln still manifested his reliance upon the Almighty and encouraged his fellow-citizens to face the situation with stout hearts because God was with the Union. Mr. Lincoln, in his message to Congress, met again in special session July 4, 1861, after outlining the course the Government should pursue, said:

And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God and go forward, without fear, and with manly hearts.

CHAPTER XXII

THE ENCIRCLING GLOOM

AMID the multiplying difficulties and discouragements Mr. Lincoln encountered in his purpose to preserve the Union, his faith in God never wavered. Indeed, it seemed to strengthen with the increasing weight of the burden under which he laboured. In his first message to Congress, December 3, 1861, he said:

In the midst of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests.

He closed his message with these trustful words:

The struggle of today is not altogether for today. It is for a vast future, also. With a reliance upon Providence all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed with the great task which events have evolved upon us.

In his message to Congress, December 1, 1862, he declared: