session, which is known, the conclusion of this report is here inserted at length. It is the more pertinent because this part of it was drafted by Wolcott himself.a

Although the committee believe that each of the measures adopted by Congress, during the last session, is susceptible of an analytical justification, on the principles of the constitution and national policy, yet they prefer to rest their vindication on the true ground of considering them as parts of a general system of defence, adapted to a crisis of extraordinay difficulty and danger.

It cannot be denied, that the power to declare war; to raise and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy; to suppress insurrections and repel invasions; and also the power to defray the necessary expense by loans or taxes, are vested in Congress. Unfortunately for the present generation of mankind, a contest has arisen, and rages with unabated ferocity, which has desolated the fairest portions of Europe, and shaken the fabric of society through the civilized world. From the nature and effects of this contest, as developed in the experience of nations, melancholy inferences must be drawn, that it is unsusceptible of the restraints which have either designated the objects, limited the duration, or mitigated the horrors of national contentions. In the internal history of France, and in the conduct of her forces and partisans in the countries which have fallen under her power, the public councils of our country were required to discern the dangers which threatened the United States; and to guard, not only against the usual consequences of war, but also against the effects of an unprecedented combination, to establish new principles of social action on the subver sion of religion, morality, law, and government. Will it be said that the raising of a small army, and an eventual provision for drawing into the public service a considerable proportion of the whole force of the country was, in such a crisis, unwise or improvident !

If such should be the assertion, let it be candidly considered, whether some of our fertile and flourishing states did not, six months since, present as alluring objects for the gratification of ambition or cupidity, as the inhospitable climate of Egypt. What, then, appeared to be the comparative difficulties between invading America, and subverting the British power in the East Indies! If this was a professed, not a real object of the enterprise, let it be asked if the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire was not really the friend of France, at the time when his unsuspecting dependencies were invaded; and whether the United States, were not at the same time, loaded with insults and assailed with hostility? If, however, it be asserted that the system of France is hostile only to despotic or monarchical governments; and that our security arises from the form of our constitution, let Switzerland, first divided and disarmed by perfidious seductions, now agonized by relentless power, illustrate the consequences of similar credulity. Is it necessary, at this time, to vindicate the naval armament? rather may not the enquiry

This is stated with confidence, in Wolcott's hand writing, upon his prithough not indeed with absolute certain- vate copy of the report.

ty, on implication from a memorandum

be boldly made, whether the guardians of the public weal would not have deserved, and received the reproaches of every patriotic American, if a contemptible naval force had been longer permitted to intercept our necessary supplies, destroy our principal source of revenue, and seize, at the entrance of our harbors and rivers, the products of our industry, destined to our foreign markets? If such injuries were at all to be repelled, is not the restriction which confines captures, by our ships, solely to armed vessels of France, a sufficient proof of our moderation?

If, therefore, naval and military preparations were necessary, a provision of funds to defray the consequent expenses was, of course, indispensable. A review of all the measures that have been adopted since the establishment of the government, will prove that Congress have not been unmindful of the wishes of the American people, to avoid an accumulation of the public debt. And the success which has attended their measures, affords conclusive evidence of the sincerity of their intentions. But, to purchase sufficient quantities of military supplies; to establish a navy, and provide for all the contingencies of an army, without resource to new taxes and loans, was impracticable. Both measures were, in fact, adopted. In devising a mode of taxation, the convenience and ease of the least wealthy class of the people, were consulted as much as possible; and, although the expenses of assessment have furnished a topic of complaint, it is found that the allowances are barely sufficient to ensure the execution of the law, even aided as they are by the disinterested and patriotic exertions of worthy citizens; besides, it ought to be remembered, that the expenses of organizing a new system, should not, on any principle, be regarded as permanent burdens on the public.

In authorizing a loan of money, Congress have not been inattentive to prevent a permanent debt; in this particular also, the public opinion and interest have been consulted. On considering the law, as well as the manner in which it is proposed to be carried into execution, the committee are well satisfied in finding any excess in the immediate charge upon the revenue, is likely to be compensated by the facility of redemption, which is secured to the government.

The alien and sedition acts, so called, form a part, and in the opinion of the committee, an essential part in these precautionary and protective measures, adopted for our security.

France appears to have an organized system of conduct toward foreign nations, to bring them within the sphere, and under the dominion of her influence and control. It has been unremittingly pursued, under all the changes of her internal policy. Her means are in wonderful coincidence with her ends. Among these, and not least successful, is the direction and employment of the active and versatile talents of her citizens abroad, as emissaries and spies. With a numerous body of French citizens, and other foreigners, and admonished by the passing scenes in other countries, as well as by aspects in our own; knowing they had the power, and believing it to be their duty, Congress passed the law respecting aliens; directing the dangerous and suspected to be removed, and leaving to the inoffensive and peaceable a safe asylum.

The principles of the sedition law, so called, are among the most ancient prin

ciples of our governments. They have been engrafted into statutes, or practised upon as maxims of the common law, according as occasion required. They were often and justly applied in the revolutionary war. Is it not strange that now they should first be denounced as oppressive when they have long been recognized in the jurisprudence of these States.

The necessity that dictated these acts, in the opinion of the committee, still exists.

So eccentric are the movements of the French government, we can form no opinion of their future designs towards our country. They may recede from the tone of menace and insolence, to employ the arts of seduction, before they astonish us with their ultimate designs. Our safety consists in the wisdom of the public councils; a coöperation on the part of the people with the government, by supporting the measures provided for repelling aggressions; and an obedience to the social laws.

After a particular and general review of the whole subject referred to their consideration, the committee see no ground for rescinding these acts of the legislature. The complaints preferred by some of the petitioners may be fairly attributed to a diversity of sentiment, naturally to be expected among a people of various habits and education, widely dispersed over an extensive country-the innocent misconceptions of the American people, will however yield to reflection and argument, and from them no danger is to be apprehended.

In such of the petitions as are conceived in a style of vehement and acrimonious remonstrance, the committee perceive too plain indications of the principles of that exotic system which convulses the civilized world. With this system, however organized, the public counsels cannot safely parley or temporize. Whether it assumes the guise of patriotism to mislead the affections of the people; whether it be employed in forming projects of local and executive ambition; or shall appear in the more generous form of open hostility, it ought to be regarded as the bane of public as well as private tranquillity and order.

Those to whom the management of public affairs is now confided, cannot be justified in yielding any established principles of law or government to the suggestions of modern theory. Their duty requires them to respect the lessons of experience, and transmit to posterity the civil and religious privileges which are the birthright of our country, and which it was the great object of our happy constitution to secure and perpetuate.

CHAPTER II.

SUMMER AND FALL OF 1798.

Immediately following the adjournment of Congress, a circumstance occurred with regard to the appointment of officers, which must be mentioned as one among the number of events which alienated the confidence and esteem of Mr. Adams' friends, and finally led to the dissolution of the party itself."

Anterior to the nomination of General Washington, both the President and the Secretary of War had written to him, requesting his advice on the formation of the army, and intimating a wish that he should accept its command. After mature deliberation, he determined not to decline the service if tendered to him, and so expressed himself in his replies. Thinking it expedient, however, before the matter went further, to be candid and explicit as to his views, he again wrote to Mr. McHenry, who had more openly broached the subject, stating distinctly the conditions upon which alone he could accept the appointment. Before the receipt of any of these letters, President Adams had made, and the Senate confirmed his nomination. This step, taken without his concurrence, was deeply regretted by Washington, and proved the origin of difficulty, and the source of much personal feeling. However good the intention, and however wise the nomi

For the facts stated in this narrative, a general reference may be given to

Sparks' Writings of Washington, XI. and
Pickering's Review, Sections V. and VI.

nation, the mode in which it was made was characteristic of the heedless and impulsive nature of Mr. Adams. The Secretary of War was immediately despatched to Mount Vernon, bearing the commission, a letter of announcement, and instructions, directing him to obtain the advice of General Washington as to the formation of the list of officers. "Particularly," the President wished "to have his opinion of the men most suitable for Inspector General, Adjutant General, and Quarter Master General."

The opportunity, to use Washington's language, not having been offered before he was brought into public view of explaining on what terms he would consent to the nomination, all that remained was to declare them afterwards, and this he did fully to the Secretary of War. They were, "that the general officers and general staff of the army should not be appointed without his concurrence." The knowledge of these terms was at the time brought home to President Adams, by a letter from the Secretary of War, in which, (after mentioning that he expected to bring Washington's acceptance of the appointment, with the proviso that he was not to be called into active service until, in the President's opinion, circumstances rendered his presence with the army necessary), he referred to Washington's letter to himself of the 5th of July, which contained the absolute condition of the selection of his own officers, and which the Secretary had directed to be delivered to Mr. Adams. He added that he should obtain from Gen. Washington the names of the persons he considered best for his confidential officers, without whom he thought he would not serve. Gen. Washington, in consequence of this explanation, simply announced his acceptance of the appointment.

With the full knowledge, therefore of these facts, the terms and conditions on which he had consented to serve, Mr. Adams, on the th of July, transmitted his letter of acceptance to the Senate, in a special message. To the