I sensibly feel how considerable a portion of my happiness was derived from it. A life of literary industry did not produce to him that reward his labours merited. To relieve a deserving family, and to present to the world the valuable professional writings of Dr. Belknap, the enclosed proposals have been issued; and to judge from present appearances, will be handsomely encouraged here. Knowing the pressure of your public engagements, I cannot ask you to pay particular attention to a concern of this nature, but I would request you, when you meet with Mr. Hazard, (who was well acquainted with Dr. B.) to deliver the proposals to him; and I cannot but hope that a considerable number of subscribers may be obtained in Philadelphia.

The correct and manly tone which the public mind has assumed, is formed on such a basis, that it promises to remain for some time unabated. It is said of Pericles that he frequently repeated to himself, "Remember, Pericles, that you command freemen-that you govern Grecians." A greater and better man than Pericles, seems to decide and act under the spirit of a similar reflection, and I feel a consoling confidence he will not be disappointed in the honourable opinion he has formed of his countrymen. Yours, with sincere and respectful regard, JOHN DAVIS.

Congress adjourned on the 19th July. The principal acts passed during this session for the physical defence of the country have been here detailed, but there was another class, which, though properly relating to the internal police of the country, were in reality all connected with the state of foreign relations and with the sentiments of the hostile parties in reference to them. Such were the acts of 18th June amending the previous naturalization laws, which extended the term requisite for the acquisition of citizenship to 14 years; that of June 25th, entitled an act concerning aliens; that of July 6th, concerning alien enemies; and the act of July the 14th "in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States." The three last, so well known as the ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS, were particularly the objects of violent dissatisfaction from the anti-federalists, and have been perpetuated as standard subjects of slang ribaldry, and partisan vilification to the present day; as little, however, being generally known of the objects and

purport of the acts themselves, as of many other subjects of popular hatred. Now, however, that "federalism," with all its sins and iniquities has passed away-that years of successful and uncontrolled democracy have rolled over us, and its purer light has dissipated the darkness that hung round the first years of our national existence, it may be safe to examine the character of some of the measures against which the great champions of that party directed their efforts, that we may see whether they indeed slew giants or only combatted against phantoms.

The alien law empowered the President "to order all such aliens as he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or should have reasonable grounds to suspect were concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States within such a time as should be expressed in such order." In case of disobedience, such aliens on conviction before the circuit or district courts of the United States, were subjected to imprisonment for not more than three years and incapacitated from becoming citizens. The subsequent law respecting alien enemies, enabled the President, on a declaration of war, to cause the subjects of the belligerent nation "to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as alien enemies." Under both acts they were. permitted to remove their property, and under the latter, if not chargeable with crimes against the United States, to depart themselves.

The sedition act was, however, by far the most unpopular of these measures. "The other," says Mr. Tucker, "was condemned by most Americans, like the stork in the fable, for the society in which he was found, and for the sake of soothing the great class of foreigners who were not yet naturalized, the greater part of whom, particularly the Irish and French, were attached to the

republican party." This act imposed fine and imprisonment for unlawfully combining or conspiring, with intent to oppose the measures of the government, when directed by the proper authority; for impeding the operation of any law of the United States; intimidating an officer from the performance of his duty, or counselling or advising with similar intent, insurrections, riots, or unlawful combinations. It also imposed similar but lighter penalties for the publication of false, scandalous, and malicious writings against the government of the United States, either House of Congress, or the President, with intent to bring them into contempt, to stir up sedition, or to aid or abet a foreign nation in hostile designs against the United States. The right of the accused to give the truth in evidence, and of the jury to judge both of law and fact, were secured by the act, and its duration was limited to two years.

Such were the measures which at this most critical period of our history, when the United States, if not carrying on, were undergoing a war with France; when the country swarmed with spies and secret agents; when her "intimate ally," Spain, had possession of our border fortifications; when foreign emissaries and native-born traitors were exciting the Indians to hostilities; when fugitives from the justice of Great Britain were stirring up internal dissensions, Congress adopted to rid her country of its most dangerous, because domestic enemies. The laws themselves sprung from existing facts, and self-preservation demanded that the power of providing for the public safety, vested in every government by the very objects of government, should now be used. Whatever of apparent despotism was contained in them, it may be observed was far exceeded in a measure of Mr. Jefferson's, intended to rid himself of his rival, Burr. A sus

Life of Jefferson, II., 45.

pension of the habeas corpus act, at his instigation, was voted by the Senate, and would have become a law but that the House were not yet so subservient. Touching their policy as tending to increase or diminish the popularity of the federal party, but little need be said. The leaders of that party was not men who very highly valued their popularity, when the safety of the institutions they had erected were concerned. The acts unquestionably offered to the opposition new and fatal points of attack; but they secured the abject sought in them, a far greater one than the mere possession of power. They drove out the horde of locusts who threatened to make that power not worth holding. The good effects of the alien acts were perceived, even before their passage, in the flight of some of the most notorious of the incendiaries. "The threatening appearances from the alien bills," says Mr. Jefferson, "have so alarmed the French who are among us, that they are going off. A ship chartered for this purpose, will sail within a fortnight for France with as many as she can carry. Among these, I believe, will be Volney, who has in truth béen the principal object aimed at by the law." Another of these was Collot, who, it will be remembered, had signalized himself in the spring of 1796. The passage of these laws was in fact their only execution.

1

The sedition law was never enforced except against a few, and those of the most reckless and infamous of their class; of whom, Callender, an alien and a fugitive from justice, was an example. This individual had been fostered and supported by Mr. Jefferson himself, and it is a striking instance of retributive justice, that the pen which, at his instance, was directed against the federalists, was afterwards turned with added venom against himself. The refusal of an office, when Mr. Jefferson attained the

a Jefferson's Writings, III.

object of his own hopes, led to Callender's apostacy, notwithstanding that Mr. Jefferson had remitted the fine imposed by the court on his conviction. For once, the mercenary fought without pay.

That there was a necessity at least for the laws regarding aliens, a few facts will demonstrate. There were at this time computed to be about 30,000 Frenchmen in the United States, some of them emissaries of note, most of them associated even at this time in clubs, all animated by strong national feelings, and entirely devoted to the interests of France. The number of British born subjects was still greater. Many of these were fugitives.from justice for political, or other offences, and possessed with a deep hostility to their own country. Great numbers of the United Irishmen had fled to America in the year 1795 and subsequently, and they too were organized in associations. The same was the fact as to the bodies of German emigrants. The whole of this multitude of foreigners were attached to France from various motives, and were the active instruments of all her machinations. Their numbers, their factiousness, and the perfect state of their organization, rendered them most justly a subject of general alarm among all classes of Americans, who were not themselves regardless of the peace and welfare of their country. A single instance, furnished by a letter from Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania, himself a Jeffersonian, to the President, dated June 27th, and transmitted on the same day to Congress, will serve as an illustration. The letter contained information, that on the evacuation of Port-au-Prince by the British troops, a very great number of French white men and negroes, were put on board of transports and sent to America. Some of the vessels made. an attempt to land at Charleston; two of them arrived at Philadelphia, and the remainder were daily expected in different ports of the United States. Gov. Mifflin wisely prevented their landing at Philadelphia, but the limited