and pursue their own interest more wisely, a temper, and the first steps of a conduct, ill calculated to preserve and conciliate our good opinion; and constructions are put upon parts of the existing treaty which, if within the words, are manifestly contrary to the spirit of that instrument; and now that we are committed beyond the possibility of retreat, in respect to France, it will be well if the beneficial part of the treaty, which has been the great cause of our misunderstanding with our old friends, be not frittered away into miserable scraps indeed. Be assured, my dear friend, there exists in this country no cordial esteem for ours; and be equally assured that there are those in whose bosoms still rankles the memory of former disappointments;-men still in power who detest the principles of our revolution, and lament its success-who look upon that event as the great cause of the present dissolution of the ancient systems of Europe; and who rejoice to see us in a quarrel with those whom they regard as the only supporters whom we had, looking perhaps to the happy day when the two sister vipers shall sting each other to death.

You will, perhaps, think this a very erroneous croaking; but believe me, I am sufficiently grounded in my opinion, and you will soon see the detail of some pitiful symptoms of the bitter and silly spirit which I know to exist. But to what does this tend? to teach us not to rely on the friendship of men, but on God, and our sword. Let us recollect that when we were three millions of people, disunited, ignorant of every military art, destitute of all necessary preparation, we resisted in the years '76 and '77, and without the aid of a friend, completely baffled 55,000 of the best troops of Europe, supported by an irresistible naval force. We are now six millions of people! the calculation is simple, and I hope we shall act as men who know their importance in the scale of human affairs. I am, my dear sir, your real friend,

JNO. TRUMBULL.

FROM GEORGE CABOT.

BROOKLINE, June 9th, 1798.

My Dear Sir, When those who have a right to command our services condescend to solicit them, it is not to be imagined that a refusal, however proper, can be wholly forgiven. I know too much of human nature, to deceive myself with the belief that I can escape censure, under circumstances where others would incur it. I therefore have made up my account for the frowns of my friends, as evils that must be borne. Still, however, I calculate on a good residuum of esteem and regard with those I love best, and with this I must be content.

I have been impatient to express to you my satisfaction at the great success of the President, in awakening the country from the fatal stupor into which it had sunk; we have still some disaffected, seditious people, in this quarter; they are few, however, in number, and reside chiefly in the town and vicinity of Boston, and their influence is extremely diminished. All men, whose opinions I know, are unbounded in their applause of the manly, just, spirited, and instructive sentiments expressed by the President in his answers to the addresses. I

am persuaded the good effects of these open declarations, cannot be overrated. They have excited right feelings everywhere, and have silenced clamour; but Cæsar's maxim must be observed, and nothing be left undone by the government; the stronger and more decisive measures they take, the more readily they will be supported. I was glad to see the bill for prohibiting intercourse with the dominions of France, but I should have thought the prohibition should lie on all foreigners as well as citizens and residents; otherwise, I foresee attempts will be made by our own people to change their bottoms in the neutral islands, and then supply the French, and I think it is an object of importance to prevent the supply of Guadaloupe and Hispaniola. You have passed the Rubicon, and rapid marches are necessary to success; at least they inspirit your troops. Why should not a bill pass, authorizing the executive to send away the French consuls, &c., if you mean to take no measures but such as are purely defensive, and fair retaliations, yet this authority should be given. The refusal to receive our ministers, certainly would justify our refusal to permit consuls to act, although they admit our consuls; but if squeamishness doubts this, we ought to be prepared to send away their consuls, when any exigency in the opinion of the Executive shall require it. I don't see that the Executive is authorized to accept of voluntary naval aids which may be offered. I should have thought it wise to give commissions to such private vessels as the President should approve, and which might be obligated to convoy others. If privateers from the French Islands continue numerous, the merchants may be glad to associate occasionally in forming little armaments for the protection of their vessels in a single voyage. I think, however, these aids ought not to be resorted to until the government has done its own duty, and I hope before Congress rises, Gen. Smith will be disposed to increase the number of vessels to be equipped by the public for the protection of commerce. It ought to be remembered that this kind of force will be inestimably precious, if an attempt to invade us should be made. The men who will have been trained in the public sea service will be able to do more than any equal number of any other description, and they will be in readiness to act.

It is pretty certain that if Great Britain yields, we shall have the weight of the whole European world to oppress us. This seems to be understood, and men are momentarily declaring their belief that we can and shall sustain it all without sinking. Doubtless if we are united and determined to die rather than submit, we should succeed; but the foul contagion of French principles has infected us, and time is required to restore us to soundness. My hope is, that France will exert all her powers in an attempt upon England. If she fails, the world will be free. I have the highest confidence in the success of England, in such a contest; her chance would be much better than in a long, protracted war, of such immense expense, and which gives room for so many contingencies. But I cannot believe that the French will trust themselves on the sea; with all their victories on land, they are no match for the English on the sea, and I should expect the French to be defeated even with a superiority of naval force of 3 to 2; nor do I think if they could land in England that they would be able to conquer it. I therefore wish the cause of the civilized world to be tried there. I see no other chance so favourable. Although you are doubtless better informed than I

am, yet it may not be amiss to mention that my letters from London of the 9th April state to me confidentially, that Pinckney and Marshall are to be turned away, and Gerry kept, if possible. It seems the delay of the envoys has been produced by the extreme fastidiousness of one of the gentlemen. I don't believe however, he will be such a dupe as to remain after his colleagues shall depart. Perhaps the case will not occur, for it is highly probable that the despatches which have been published, will arrive in France before any of them can have embarked. A gentleman who left France the last of March, tells me that no idea was entertained that we should offer any resistance; the Gallo-Americans had no doubt we should pay money, and, he says, they will be all surprised at learning that we dare refuse the demands of France. Yours faithfully,

G. CABOT.

FROM WILLIAM SMITH.

My Dear Sir,

LISBON, February 25, 1798.

I have been much amused in reading over some files of American papers by the last vessel. I see the old dispute revived with great violence for bleeding for fever and ague, and that Dr. Rush is charged with bleeding many hundreds to death. I was not very much surprized at this charge, but I confess I was surprized to see him appointed treasurer of the mint. I hope he won't bleed that to death also. That unfortunate institution has enemies enough already. Can he continue his practice and attend to the duties of his new office at once, or has he laid aside the lancet with disgust? I am very happy to hear you have got rid of Tench Coxe. I suppose he will follow the steps of Randolph, Monroe, &c., and write his vindications without ado. I always considered the Doctor a wrong-headed politician. I know for a fact that he was, at the election of President, very much in favour of the Vice President. I fear there will be no possibility at present of entering into any arrangement with this country of a commercial nature. Their very delicate situation with respect to England and France, absorbs the whole of the attention of their government. The ministers keep themselves on the reserve, and are scarcely ever seen. Though I have been at Mrs. Pinto's evening parties regularly through the winter, I have only seen Mr. P. once or twice, and then but for a moment, so that there is never to be found an opportunity to sound him on the subject; but I understand from other quarters, their jealousy is so great on this point, that no hopes ought to be entertained. Have you turned your thoughts to the late important acquisitions of Austria in the Mediterranean and Asiatic Seas, and to the probability of her becoming a considerable naval and commercial power, and consequently to the policy of a commercial connection with her; would not this be a proper moment to try the ground? I should like to know your ideas on this point. I hope you have got a good committee of ways and means, and that things are going on smoothly. In what state are the finances and banks? How does the stamp act work? There is a prospect of your wanting a good deal of revenue this year, for there is no doubt you must have some navy afloat. It is a matter of very general aston

ishment here, (in the mouths of almost all the ministers of Europe), that the United States, with such naval and other resources, should so tamely suffer their commerce to be plundered, without any attempt at protection. I wrote to Mr. McHenry a few days ago. Remember me to him very kindly. With sincere regard, I am, dear sir, faithfully yours, &c.,

WILLIAM SMITH.

General Marshall reached the United States in June, and on the 21st, the President, in announcing the fact to Congress, communicated also a letter from Mr. Gerry, in which he requested permission to return. A copy of the instructions of March, in which provisional orders for the return of the envoys had been given, accompanied the message, which thus concluded:

"I presume that before this time he has received fresh instructions, (a copy of which accompanies this message) to consent to no loans; and therefore the negotiation may be considered as closed. I WILL never send another Minister TO FRANCE WITHOUT ASSURANCES THAT HE WILL BE RECEIVED, RESPECTED, AND HONORED AS THE REPRESENTATIVE OF A GREAT, FREE, POWERFUL, AND INDEPENDENT NATION."

Subsequent events made these last words memorable.

A few days after, the Secretary of State sent to Mr. Gerry a peremptory requisition to return. The letter did not reach its destination, but its substance shows the light in which his stay was regarded by that officer at least. It stated that by the instructions of March 3d, he would have already perceived that the return of all the Envoys had been expected, even before its arrival, and that they were sent rather from caution than supposed necessity. The respect due to themselves and their country, he was told, required that they should turn their backs on a government which treated both with contempt -an indignity aggravated by the insidious distinction in his favor; especially when the real object of that dis

A peremptory letter of recall was sent to him on the 25th of May.

tinction was to enable the French government, trampling on the authority of our own, to designate with whom they would condescend to negotiate.

After the first despatches had been sent to Congress, and it appeared evident that the negotiation had indeed ceased, its measures in accordance with the expressed views of the country became still more decisive. An act was passed, authorizing the armed vessels of the United States to capture and bring into port French armed vessels, depredating on the commerce of the United States. This was followed on the 13th of June, by one suspending all commercial intercourse between the United States and France, and its dependencies, and by that which had created so much opposition from the Gallican party, the act permitting merchant vessels to resist capture, now in addition permitting them to take the aggressors, and make recaptures.

The continued opposition to this law appears extraordinary at the present day. When, in furtherance of the proclamation of neutrality of 1793, instructions were issued from the treasury department to the collectors, restricting in certain cases, the arming of private vessels, and even when the act of 1794 was passed to prevent the fitting out of cruisers against friendly vessels, a similar opposition was found from the same source. Such a restriction upon the natural rights of man, was abhorrent to the disciples of the French school.

But now that it was proposed simply to defend ourselves, the case was altered. The loss of fifteen millions of dollars by piratical captures and confiscations of American property, furnished in their minds no argument for protecting what remained. Mr. Jefferson, in his correspondence, endeavors, it is true, to establish the idea that the merchants themselves did not desire the permission to arm; but it seems rational to suppose that those who represented mercantile states, should better under