had not the sagacity to perceive that in working their ruin, he was destroying the pillars of the platform on which he stood himself.

Mr. Hamilton, against whom in particular this language had been employed by the President, had determined that it should not pass unnoticed or unanswered. On the first of August, therefore, he had addressed to Mr. Adams a letter, couched in respectful language, inquiring whether the report that he had asserted the existence of a British faction in America, embracing a number of leading or influential characters in the federal party, and among others referring to himself by name, was or was not correct, and if correct, on what ground the suggestion was founded. Receiving no answer to this communication, he again wrote upon the first of October, and observing that he would draw no inferences from the President's silence, he declared, "that by whomsoever a charge of the kind mentioned in his former letter, might at any time have been made or insinuated against him, it was a base, wicked, and cruel calumny; destitute even of a plausible pretext to excuse the folly or mask the depravity which must have dictated it." Of these letters it is believed that Mr. Adams, in his published writings at least, has taken no notice. The charges have, however, been stereotyped by him, in the letters to Cunningham and to the Patriot, and upon his authority as to the existence of such a faction and the men who composed it, have the anti-federalists rested. "The conspiracy against the public liberty," says Mr.Gerry's biographer, " imputed to the leaders of the dominant party, and proclaimed by their opponents, like the prophesies of Cassandra to incredulous ears, has since been wonderfully countenanced by the disclosures which the then President has made." The value of the disclosures, and the existence of the conspiracy, will, it is believed, need better evidence than has yet

Austin's Life of Gerry, II. 150.

been exhibited, to gain credence with posterity, in the teeth of that which is to be found in the lives or the writings of our early statesmen. That, so far as regards Mr. Adams, the imputation was the offspring of wounded vanity, of disappointed ambition, of jealousy and revenge, is sufficiently shown in the history of his administration and of his defeat.

With all this dread of a British faction in his mind, Mr. Adams, in his moments of irritation, it seems, did not hold monarchy in such abhorrence, provided it was centered in the issue of his own loins.

It was about this time determined by Mr. Hamilton to address a circular letter to some of the leading federalists throughout the country, in defence of those of the party who had advocated the equal support of General Pinckney at the forthcoming election. The friends of Mr. Adams had been unwearied in their efforts to disparage the characters and the motives of Gen. Pinckney's adherents, and the personal views of the latter had been as unsparingly attacked by them as by the anti-federalists themselves. In accordance with this resolution, the celebrated "Letter concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams," was prepared. It was intended to effect two objects, to vindicate himself and his friends in their political conduct from unjust reproaches, and to procure a joint support of the second candidate of the party. The writer, notwithstanding a full and candid exposition of his objections to Mr. Adams, and his apprehension that under his future auspices the federal policy might totter and fall, disclaimed all wish to withdraw from him a single vote, or to oppose any obstacle to his election. To this end the letter was prepared for only a limited and private circulation. A copy was, however, surreptitiously obtained by Col. Burr, and made public, under circumstances so base and dishonorable, as to add new infamy to a name already sufficiently blackened.

1

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 1, 1800.

I have received your favour of September 26th, and have made a few notes which I will write and send to you to-morrow. The style and temper are excellent. No observations occur to me upon the first part of the draught.

You will judge of the expediency of sending the letter, from the information which you possess of the public opinion. I have no lights beyond those which I suggested as from Massachusetts, in a late letter which I wrote you, and which I hope you received. The advice from that quarter was opposed to any publication with your signature. I am of opinion with you, that anonymous publications do no good. Presuming that you would want the draught, I enclose it. I will write more at large to-morrow.

I enclose a S. C. paper.

There is in it a publication, not much to my mind. Mr. P. ought not to have suggested a doubt of the authenticity of the letter to Tench Coxe.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 2, 1800.

I wrote you a hasty letter yesterday, in which I returned the draft which accompanied your favour of Sept. 26th. In my opinion the style, temper, and spirit of the composition are well suited to the object, and will do you honour. I have only to submit a few criticisms to your consideration.

I think the letter may with propriety be sent to your friends elsewhere, than in New England, if it is published at all. The letter ought and will influence the election. If it is sent merely as a defence of your character, and that of your friends, and not to influence the election, the publication should be deferred till after the election is over. A principal merit of the composition consists in its frankness. Peculiar caution is therefore necessary in stating all the motives of the publication. I have thought hitherto that Mr. Adams ought, by all fair and honourable means, to be deprived of votes.

If your letter should be sent to Connecticut in its present form, I suspect that it would be inferred to be your expectation, at least that Mr. Adams would obtain all the votes of that state. The expression of such an expectation might, in some degree, contribute to produce that effect. I expect to visit my friends in a short time, and wish the question to remain undetermined. There is a party in this state (Maryland) who consider Mr. Adams as a character exactly suited to their views, and I believe it to be their intention to give him their exclusive support. To counteract this policy, it is necessary that some federal votes should be withdrawn from Mr. Adams. This would not increase the chance of Mr.

These criticisms are omitted, as, un- be unintelligible; at any rate are no lonexplained by the letter itself, they would ger of interest.

Jefferson's election, though it would probably be the means of referring the choice of a President to the House of Representatives.

Perhaps the motives for writing the letter may be thus explained: First, that it is necessary to the defence of your character; and secondly, that for the reasons assigned, you are seriously apprehensive of fatal consequences from a re-election of Mr. Adams; that you find, however, many federalists whose opinions you respect, who entertain no such apprehensions; that your letter is dictated by a desire of informing them of facts and circumstances which have guided your judgment, and of which they are presumed to be unacquainted; that you are apprised of the bad consequences which might result from a public investigation of the conduct and character of Mr. Adams, and that deference for the opinion of those who are his friends and supporters, has induced you to confine the circulation of your letter to gentlemen of known respectability and prudence, who will dispassionately weigh your objections, and decide according to what shall appear to be the true interests of the country.

What precedes, is written upon the supposition, that the letter is to be transmitted according to your suggestion; but as to the measure itself, I can give no opinion; my feelings and individual judgment are in favour of it. I never liked the half way plan which has been pursued. It appears to me that certain federalists are in danger of losing character in the delicate point of sincerity. Nevertheless, when I consider the degree of support which Mr. Adams has already received; that our friends in Massachusetts say, that they still prefer the election of Mr. Adams; that the country is so divided and agitated, as to be in some danger of civil commotions. I cannot but feel doubt as to any measure, which can possibly increase our divisions. You can judge of the state of public opinion in the eastern States, better than I can. If the popular sentiment is strong in favour of Mr. Adams; if the people in general approve of his late public conduct, or if there is any want of confidence in Gen. Pinckney, I should think the publication ought to be suppressed. If, on the contrary, the publication would increase the votes for Gen. Pinckney, and procure support to him in case he should be elected, it would certainly be beneficial. Notwithstanding your impression to the contrary, I am not convinced that Mr. Adams can seriously injure your character. At the moment of an election, many men who consider themselves honest, will affect to be convinced of things which, in more serene moments, they cannot bring their minds to support.

FROM JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

QUINCY, October 4, 1800. Enclosed is a letter from Mr. with a certificate in his favour, from Governor Wood. I suppose the letter comes too late, but that if it had arrived earlier, it would have made no alteration in your judgment, or mine. Neither Mr. Parker, or any other person, ever had authority from me, to say that any man's political creed would be an insuperable bar to promotion. No such rule has ever been adopted. Political principles, and discretion, will always be

considered, with all other qualifications, and 'well weighed, in all appointments. But no such monopolizing, and contracted, and illiberal system as that alleged to have been expressed by Mr. Parker, was ever adopted by me.

Washington appointed a multitude of democrats and Jacobins of the deepest dye. I have been more cautious in this respect; but there is danger of proscribing, under imputations of democracy, some of the ablest, most influential, and best characters in the Union. Enclosed is a letter from

requesting to be collector at Portland. I send you these letters that they may be filed in your office, with others relative to the same subjects. I am, sir, with great regard, &c.,

J. ADAMS.

FROM GEORGE CABOT.

BROOKLINE, Oct. 5th, 1800.

My Dear Sir,

A letter from Mr. Gore, dated Aug. 21st, informs me that the Americans who daily arrive in London from Paris, are generally, if not universally, of opinion that nothing will be effected by our envoys. These itinerants seem to think, too, that we are in the wrong; not because we have humbled ourselves before the great nation, but because our humility is limited by the instructions, which ought to have permitted the acceptance of such terms as France would prescribe.

I have already intimated to you my fears, that the high and well-tempered mind of our excellent friend Ellsworth, has been shaken, perhaps by sickness, in part, but in part also, by the events which he has witnessed, and others which he apprehended; and all aggravated by the acts and management of a set of people at Paris, employed for that purpose, as the Kosciuskos, Barlows, &c., &c. For my own part, I rejoice exceedingly, that Mr. Jay's treaty contains a bar to such conventions as the French insist on. .On this point, I published yesterday in the Centinel, as "One of the American People," a few ideas which occurred on reading the Paris article; and I have sent to the same press for Wednesday's paper, some further remarks on the imprudence, as well as insidiousness of all the dogmas and doctrines of the French, respecting the commercial rights of neutrals. All which, I consider, are maintained by them with the sole view of engaging the neutrals to become pledged to support a system by which France can have her own commerce covered, or neutrals be brought to fight for her. You know I am too indolent to illustrate, and enforce these ideas as they merit, but the hints will be useful to abler, and more active men. Great pains are taken by Dr. Morse, and some few others, to effect a reconciliation, as it is called, between the P., and those who disapprove his politics; but though well meant, the attempt is absurd. We believe the President's course leads to the division, disgrace, and ruin of the federal cause. He denounces us for entertaining these sentiments; no personal good humour can alter the fact. I am one of a few, who prefer remaining under Presidential frowns and displeasure, rather than by visiting him, or any other act, to indicate to the public that I have renounced opinions which are completely established, or that I can abandon men in public life, whose conduct and character, I think, ought to endear them to every friend of order, virtue, and