given up his expectations of obtaining Gerry's consent to a loan, as the price of one, if granted; but the real object of detaining him was to prolong a state of things so advantageous to France; to avert, in fact, the war which was threatened as the consequence of his departure. It was singular that Mr. Gerry, in his private letter to Mr. Adams, did not, however, allude to the threats under which he had been induced to remain, and merely requested permission to return.

The estimation in which Gerry was held by his colleagues, may be judged from the following extract of a letter from

CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY TO THOMAS PINCKNEY.

PARIS, April 4, 1798.

Mr. Gerry has agreed with M. Talleyrand to remain here. Of course General Marshall and myself will be ordered to depart. I have remonstrated with Mr. Gerry on the ill consequences which will result from his remaining, and on the impropriety of his having carried on a negotiation with Talleyrand, under injunctions not to reveal it to his colleagues. I have made great sacrifices of my feelings to preserve union, but in vain. I never met with a man so destitute of candor, and full of deceit as Mr. Gerry. The head and heart of General Marshall are both excellent."

These despatches have been reviewed together, in order that the continuity of the subject might not be broken. To return.

Upon the receipt of the first of them, the question of instructions to the envoys was, of course, considered. The following memorandum of the result of the consultation has been preserved:

TO THE ENVOYS.

"1st. If the envoys have not been received, or are not in treaty with persons duly authorised by the Directory with full and equal powers, to demand passports

and return.

"2d. If the envoys are in treaty with persons duly authorized by the Directory, to remain; but to expedite the completion of the mission, and inform the

President of what they are doing. If a clear design to postpone and equivocate is discovered, to break up the negotiation and return.

"3d. The envoys to consider suspense as ruinous to the essential interests of

their country.

"4th. Despatches.

"5th. No money, no loan."

In accordance with these points, Col. Pickering on the 23d March, wrote to the envoys that the tenor of their communications then received, was such as to satisfy the government of the correctness of their opinion that the objects of their mission would in no way be accomplished, and that the President trusted that soon after the date of that of January 8th, they had closed their negotiations by demanding passports to leave the French territories. The different contingencies above mentioned, were provided for, and they were expressly instructed that in no event was a treaty to be purchased with money, either by loan or otherwise. This letter did not reach Paris until May; of course some time after the departure of Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall.

The fears expressed for the result of these communications, fortunately proved groundless. At length, the dormant spirit of the nation was roused. The publication of the despatches, wisely circulated throughout the country by a resolution of the two Houses, excited a feeling which showed that honor, dignity, and independence were not yet extinct in the people. Addresses poured in, expressing their approbation of the conduct of government towards France, and pledging their support in the public defence. The current of popular feeling which had been so long ebbing or stationary, had now turned, and nothing was wanting but firmness, consistency, and temper in the Executive, to render it irresistible.

Congress could not fail of being influenced by these evidences of the national feeling. For once, measures

worthy of the representatives of a free people were adop

ted, and though embarrassments were interposed by the stauncher portion of the Gallican party, and the measures themselves were often clogged with unwise restrictions, they proved in the end, sufficient to attain their object. They roused and united the people; they confirmed in them the sentiments which in the first place had acted upon their representatives, and they taught France her mistake, in supposing that the influence of her Jacobin allies, could make the nation subservient to her will, when awakened to her designs.

Active measures were taken to put the country in a state of defence; among them, the most important of all, was perhaps, the creation of the NAVY DEPARTMENT. Originally, all matters relative to the maritime force of the United States, were confided to the Secretary of War, by the act constituting his office, but subsequent acts, those providing for the appointment of the Accountant of the War Department and the Purveyor of Public Supplies, had devolved upon the Treasury much of the duty both as respected the army and the navy. The lines of distinction between the provinces of the several departments in this respect, were by no means distinctly drawn, but in general, the contracts and purchases for supplying the army and obtaining materials for the navy, the building and providing of the ships, fell upon the latter, while the application of the supplies, the payment of officers and men, and the direction of the vessels when completed, were vested in the War Office. A very unnecessary complication of their affairs had thus resulted, and an onerous burden was thrown upon the office to which it by no means appertained, and of which the responsibilities were already sufficiently great.

Now that, however, an increase of the naval force was rendered necessary by the contemplated defensive measures, the erection of a new department became absolutely requisite. Its establishment was dictated moreover, by a

sound policy in the friends of the administration, in seizing the opportunity to render permanent a branch of the national service, which the hostility of the southern noncommercial States had hitherto crippled.

The Secretaryship of the new department, was first offered to George Cabot of Massachusetts; one whose ability, patriotism, and integrity, well qualified him for any post in the nation. He however declined the office, and BENJAMIN STODDERT of Maryland, was appointed.

The attention of Congress was during the session called to the inconveniences which have been mentioned, and a subsequent act was passed in pursuance of a report of the committee to which the subject had been referred. By this, the expenditures of the Executive departments were properly regulated. Very important additions were made to the navy, under several laws authorising the purchase and equipment of vessels, and a respectable force was thus created. Other preparations were made. A regiment of artillerists and engineers was added to the regular army; appropriations passed for the defence of the posts and harbors of the United States, and those States which, on a final settlement of their accounts, had been found indebted to the Union, were authorised to expend sums not exceeding the amount of their indebtedness, on fortifications; authority was given for the purchase of cannon, arms, and amunition, and the act passed authorising the raising of a PROVISIONAL ARMY. This celebrated act empowered the President, in case of a declaration of war against the United States, or actual invasion, or imminent danger of invasion before the next session of Congress, to enlist, for a term not exceeding three years, and to call into service a body of 10,000 men. These were to be organized with a suitable number of major generals, into corps of artillery, cavalry and infantry, as the

Act of May 28, 1798. Ch. 64. Laws of the U. S., III. p. 50.

service should require. In addition to this number, he was authorised to accept of such companies of volunteers as should offer themselves fully armed and equipped, to be subject, when called into actual service, to the same rules, and entitled to the same pay as the other troops. The President was further authorised, whenever he should deem expedient, to appoint, with the consent of the Senate, a commander of the army thus raised, who, when commissioned as Lieutenant General, was to have the chief command of all the forces of the United States. An Inspector General and other officers, were to be appointed in like manner. They were to continue in commission so long only, as the President should deem necessary, and with the troops, might at any time be discharged, if consistent with the public safety, and they were to receive pay only while in actual service.

Such was the provisional army, the bugbear of the democracy of '98; the instrument by which a revolution. was to have been accomplished in our government; the friends of liberty to have been crushed, and a throne erected-for whom?

FROM GEORGE CABOT.

BROOKLINE, March 26th, 1798.

My Dear Sir,

Nothing could be more gratifying to Mrs. Cabot and me, than the expressions of friendship from Mrs. Wolcott and you, contained in your letter of the 17th. Be assured we receive them as testimonials of an esteem and affection which our hearts constantly covet, and which they liberally return.

I have written to you less frequently than might have been expected, because I have felt no disposition to bear anything like an agency in political affairs, and because I have thought it little less than criminal to occupy any part of the time of our public slaves. Indeed, such is my sympathy with many of our public men, that it has become extremely painful to think of their tasks.

I live perfectly recluse, scarcely going beyond the limits of my farm once in a month; I do not pretend, however, to be uninterested in what passes in the world; on the contrary, I partake in all the anxieties of those who foresee and tremble at the destiny of our country; but while I am so selfish as to applaud myself for shunning all responsibility which might belong to official character, I have omitted no opportunity to inculcate just sentiments upon those who hear