CHAPTER III.

30

FIFTH CONGRESS- SECOND SESSION.

FROM THE PRESIDENT.

QUINCY, Oct. 10, 1798.

Sir,

It is time to consider whether it will be prudent for Congress to meet in Phila delphia, and also what communications and recommendations will be necessary in the address to both Houses. I request you to turn your thoughts upon these subjects, and write me your opinions as early as may be. I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT.

November, 1798.

The Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to the command of the President of the United States, respectfully submits the following observations.

It is conceived that it will be natural, and very proper for the President, in the beginning of his address, to advert to the deplorable situation to which several of our principal cities have been reduced by contagious, or epidemic sickness, during the last season; and when it is considered that similar diseases have successively appeared in different places-that the loss of thousands of lives, the sacrifice of time and property, and the stagnation of public and private business, are evils of immense magnitude, which deeply affect the national interests, it may be proper to invite the legislature to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of those provided by the respective States for investigating the causes, arresting the progress, or mitigating the effects of like calamities in future.

It will probably be asserted by some, that Congress have no constitutional power to legislate on a subject of this kind; but it is presumed that all objections of this nature may be refuted; and while the health-laws of the respective States proceed upon the supposition that contagious sickness may be communicated by the channels of commercial intercourse, there seems to be a necessity that Congress

who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system which, while it may tend to secure the general health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce, and the safety of the revenue.

The state of our foreign relations, particularly with France, being a subject of the first importance, will of course constitute a principal topic of the address.

It is believed that France has no sincere disposition, and it is questioned whether she possesses the ability, to maintain any engagements upon which the United States can rely with confidence and tranquillity; though there appears to be an unwillingness to open rupture, yet there exist no symptoms of a desire for real peace; the system of self-aggrandizement at the expense of every nation within her power, without regard to the principles of justice, or the most solemn engagements, still continues to be enforced; it may therefore be presumed, that her treatment of us will be governed, not by present professions, but by the views which she may from time to time, take of her own interests; we can only perceive in her last acts, either a vindication of ancient controversies, or shameless pretexts for the gratification of unbounded ambition. Common prudence, therefore, requires of us, to see in the pacific overtures of such a nation, nothing more than an insidious design to foster divisions in our country, and unnerve the vigour of our councils, and measures of defence. The conditions, views, and policy of the United States, are, in every respect, opposite to those of France; we have no national ambition which cannot be best gratified by being left to develope the resources which we possess. The great object of the United States, is therefore, to obtain a secure peace with all nations. Having been injured by France, having sought reparation without success, and having no confidence in the equity of her government, a system has been adopted, of which the following are the principles:

1st. To arm internally, and otherwise provide against invasion. 2nd. To desist from all commercial or political intercourse.

3rd. To defend our commerce by force, and destroy the means of annoyance employed by France.

The situation of the United States in respect to France, may be considered as anomalous. We cannot strictly be said to be either at peace, or in a state of war. We are as much at peace as is safe, or indeed possible, considering the diversity of the views and characters of the American and French people. We have not formally declared war, because we do not wish to conquer any of the dominions of France, and because she possesses no commerce or property upon which we can make reprisals.

This situation is attended with advantages and disadvantages, which require consideration.

The advantages are, that by abstaining from any and every degree of hostility, not required by some present and immediate interest, public opinion is consulted, and its favours secured; responsibility for misfortunes is diminished; odium is accumulated upon France, not only in America, but through the world; and thus, the energy of her power and influence are diminished.

The disadvantages of our situation are, that until war is declared, there will be constantly some danger that the intrigues of France will be successful in pro15

VOL. II.

ducing a revolution of public opinion, which may compel a premature and dangerous accommodation, upon which no reliance can be placed; that her measures will continue to be justified, or at least palliated, while those of the government will be misrepresented and censured; that our system of defence will be exposed to be weakened by proposals for delusive negotiations; and generally, that by continuing in a state which cannot be defined as being either peace or war, the government will be deprived of those rights and powers, both with respect to the domestic partisans of France, and neutral nations, which would result from an open and avowed state of hostility.

There is, moreover, another circumstance, which must be deemed an advantage or disadvantage incident to our situation, according to the opinion which may be formed, respecting the expediency or inexpediency of an alliance with Great Britain. Of the practicability of forming such an alliance there can be little doubt, and to attain this object, a declared state of war with France is necessary, or, at least, would be a resulting consequence. The expediency of such an alliance is, however, diminished by the recent reduction of the French marine and by the prospect of other disasters, which threaten the power and influence of that nation in Europe, and which of course lessen her ability to invade the United States.

The result of the foregoing reflections is, that a declaration of war, considering the state of public opinion and other circumstances, is inexpedient and ought not to be recommended; that it is the true policy of the government to retain its present position, to invigorate the system of defence, to baffle skill by skill, to pre-occupy the ground which France has attempted to take, and which, being seized by her, would serve as the rallying point of opposition to the government. As France continues to annoy us, and at the same time to profess friendly sentiments and intentions, we ought to continue our resistance, offering at the same time, in a dignified manner, to put the sincerity of her declarations to the test. By avoiding all inconsistency and preserving the confidence which has been gained, by choosing the situation in which to receive an attack, or from which to repel intrigues, and by compelling France either to desist from her present plan, or in the pursuit to make reparation for the wounded honour of the United States, and, moreover, by a firm confidence in the moral sense of the American people, it is believed that all difficulties may be surmounted. If the principles before mentioned shall be approved, the following is deemed a proper style for this part of the address:

"The course of the transactions between the United States and France, which have come to my knowledge during your recess, will be seen in a communication which by my direction will be laid before you from the Department of State. This will confirm to you the ultimate failure of the measures which were taken by this government towards an amicable adjustment of differences. You will at the same time perceive that the French government now appears solicitous to impress the opinion that it is averse from rupture with this country, and that it has, in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a new minister from us for restoring a good understanding.

It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that they are accompanied with the intimation of a right to pronounce upon the qualifications of a minister from the United States, and that whilst France asserts the existence of a persevering intention on her part to conciliate with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of this government should be even indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation, that as yet we have experienced no advantages from the decree which was alleged to be intend.ed to restrain the French citizens from depredations on our commerce, and that the decree of [January last,] which, among other injurious regulations, subjects to seizure and confiscation commodities of British fabric and production in neutral bottoms, though the property of neutrals, has not only not been rescinded, but has even received a recent confirmation by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this decree, which is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nation which it attacks, continues in force, those nations can only see in the French government a power regardless of their essential right of their independence and their sovereignty, and if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their interest and honour but a firm resistance. Hitherto, therefore, I can perceive nothing in the conduct of the French government which ought to change or relax our measures of defence; on the contrary, to invigorate them, is, in my judgment, our true policy. We have no reason to regret that this system has been thus far pursued, and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full development of our resources and energies. In demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war in the necessary protection of our rights and honour, we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of peace. This has been wisely and perseveringly cultivated, and as between us and France, harmony may be reestablished at her option.

But the sending another minister to make a new attempt at negotiation would be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit without extreme necessity; no such necessity exists, it must therefore be left with France, if she is desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite steps. The United States adhere to the maxims by which they have been governed; they will sacredly respect the rights of embassy; their magnanimity discards the policy of retaliating insult in bar of the avenues to peace, and if France shall send a minister to negotiate, he will be received with honour and treated with candour; and with a sincere disposition on her part to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce, and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration of friendly intercourse on a substantial basis. In making this declaration to you, I give a pledge to the French government and to the world that the executive power of this country still adheres to the humane and pacific policy which has uniformly governed its proceedings, and re-echoed the wishes of the other branches of the government and the people of the United States."

As that part of the address which is to relate to our affairs with France is most important, it is separately presented; the other branches of the proposed communication will be noticed in a second report. All which is respectfully submitted, etc.

Of the conferences which took place with the cabinet touching these subjects, on Mr. Adams' return from Quincy, something will be said hereafter. Congress met on the third of December. The speech was delivered to the two Houses on the 8th of December. Its tone was resolute and patriotic, and its sentiments with two fatal exceptions, perfectly satisfactory to the friends of the government, and the supporters of the national honor. Referring to the awakened spirit of the people he said:

"To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one, of the first importance to our well-being and safety; I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggressions of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honour, dignity, and independence has appeared, which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the government, will enable us to view undismayed the enterprizes of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory."

The suggestions in the preceding letter from Wolcott were generally followed, and the language recommended to be used respecting France adopted almost verbatim. But in reference to another mission to that country, it was unfortunately so modified, as to make "more determinate assurances that he would be received," a condition without which, sending another minister would be humiliating, thus leaving open a door for such another embassy on that condition. The change was significant of his conduct at a later period of the session, and led to momentous results to the party and to the country. The invitation to France to make the first overtures, was likewise narrowed down to a simple statement, that the United States "would respect the sacred rights of embassy." He added:

"But considering the late manifestations of her policy towards foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to declare my opinion, that whether we negotiate or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable. These alone will give to us an equal treaty, and ensure its observance."