eral, or the official stenographer, shall number and read each motion as it is handed her,-written with the name of each lady who makes the motion, and the second, or seconds, if there are more than one. That at the close of each Board meeting during the coming year the Recording Secretary General or the official stenographer shall read aloud all the motions made and carried. This, ladies, will make me feel that you are absolute participants with your chairman in all the Board's actions. I am not asking you to approve the minutes, nor to pass upon them, that will be done at the next meeting of the Board --but only to carry them away, and fix them clearly in your mind as well as my own. ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE NINETEENTH By The Hon. John Barrett Director of the International Bureau of South American Republics. Madam President General, ladies and gentlemen: I am profoundly appreciative of the honor of being invited to address you, especially in such company as that of our great, just, patriotic and unselfish president. I realize that this invitation has come to me not as a person, but as an international officer at the head of an international institution, one of whose chief claims to fame and consideration must herewith be the fact that its new home, over yonder-a temple of peace, friendship, and good will among the American nations-is the nearest neighbor of this exquisite palace, the home of the Daughters of that American Revolution which showed to all these nations the way to independence and a republican form of government. Yes, it should be a source of deepest satisfaction to you, who are directly descended from the associates of our first great general, that the intrepid Bolivar, who was the liberator of northern South America and the father of five nations, and the noble San Martin, who achieved the independence of southern South America, both, according to their own historical records, gained the inspiration to wage their unequal but successful warfare against Spain from the example of the immortal and unprecedented Washington. Perhaps with these few words I may venture to express the hope that we will be sympathetic neighbors-you as a great and unique patriotic organization of the United States and ourselves as a great and unique patriotic institution of all America, of Pan-America, the initiative of whose establishment came from the United States in the person of that constructive statesman of twenty years ago, James G. Blaine, and the responsibility of whose new life and activity, as embodied and seen in that noble marble edifice, across the street, rests with such present and contemporary leaders as Elihu Root and Philander Knox, Theodore Roosevelt and William H. Taft. If, however, it may be permitted for me to make a personal reference, I will confess that I am proud to mention the fact that on both sides of my family I am descended from sires who fought in the American Revolution, and that on the paternal side my ancestor, John Barrett, participated in the battle of Concord alongside of his brother, Col. Joseph Barrett, who was second in command in that historical struggle, and I make a yearly pilgrimage to that quiet and beautiful cemetery in Concord in order that I may gain courage to fight my own little way in the battle of life. In the very few minutes that I shall strive to hold your attention this morning, may I be permitted to emphasize before you, as members of the most powerful patriotic society in the world, the great necessity that the American people, collectively and individually, should realize the vast importance of our foreign relations and responsibilities. We have so many home problems, we are all so concerned with local excitements, we are so rich, resourceful, prosperous, progressive, great in area, in institutions, and in population, that we are prone to forget that we are only one in a family of nearly fifty nations, that our population is only a small part of all humanity, and that our total area covers only a lesser portion of this mighty globe. The position and influence of the United States among other nations will be determined in the long run not by the sheer power and might it exerts, but by the love and affection for itself which its policies and attitude toward them create among them. The relationship of nations is after all only the culmination, the highest point to which is carried the underlying principle of the relation of individuals. It is only one step beyond the relationship of separate states in one union which in turn depends upon the relationship of communities, and they finally upon the family which is composed of individuals. What respect have you for the man who thinks only of himself and not of his associates, of the family who cares not for those who live next door, of the town that is always at war with the one adjoining, and of the state which would purposely make its laws to antagonize those of a commonwealth coterminous with its boundaries. You admire the man, the family, the community, the state, the nation, which, while performing its duties to itself, always thinks of the effect of the performance of such duties upon others, their welfare, and their happiness. And there devolves upon the nation which is exceptionally great and strong, like these United States, a peculiar and farreaching responsibility. It is not unlike that of the man, powerful and masterful in body and mind, whom everybody is watching and criticising, while scores of men small in stature and ordinary in intellect can do everything and anything selfish and annoying without awakening serious attention. The powerful and masterful man wins the confidence and love of all with whom he comes in contact, if he is simple, generous and considerate of others. The same characteristics apply without modification to nations,—and it is my prayer that the United States may develop these characteristics not merly through the policy of a great president, but through the inherent, allpervading sense of what is right among the individuals who make up our body politic and, acting collectively, shape the policy of the nation. Do not think I am an alarmist or pessimist when I state in unqualified terms that there never was a time in our history, except possibly in the dark days following the Revolution and the Civil War, when the United States as a nation and her citizens as a people were as closely watched, studied, and criticised by foreign nations and peoples as at this present moment. There is no office in this country where the editorials of the foreign press, as they bear upon American problems, are read more thoroughly than in the International Bureau, and probably there is no official institution in more intimate touch with foreigners themselves. The tone of the foreign press and the comment of representative foreigners show plainly that they regard us as passing through a most crucial period of our existence, out of which we will issue either to lead the world by force and might until our strength becomes exhausted and we are eventually laggards even until the crack of doom, or to lead it by good example, by unselfish interest in other nations, and by consideration of what is right whether the other nation be great or small, until through love, mutual confidence, and good will, we shall be in the vanguard of the international procession until Gabriel shall sound his trumpet to announce the millenium. You ask me for illustration of my point. I call your attention to the twenty sister nations lying to the south of us, with which I am intimately familiar. At first you may, without study of the field, claim that they are not sufficiently important for comparisons, and in that attitude you prove my argument. We have a tendency to patronize them, to look down upon them, to make fun of these ambitious sister nations which, in fact, reach in proud extent from Mexico and Cuba on the north, to Argentina and Chile on the south. We hold the sixpence of admiration for ourselves, for Europe, and for Asia, so near our eyes that we cannot comprehend the mightiness, the wealth, the commerce, the population, and the progress of Latin America beyond our limited vision. We have been sitting in cozy corners of the international ball room flirting with England and Germany and France and Japan and China-fair, fascinating, and winning though I admit they are and capable of making marvelous eyes at Uncle Sam-while we have left our sister republics, as it were, to be wall flowers, and yet we wonder why they sometimes do not appear to care as much for us as they do for the nations and peoples of Europe, which have never failed to appreciate them and to bestow favors and favors upon them in the international political cotillion! Now that we have a dancing president, these figures of speech, I trust, are appropriate! For proof of my contention, I ask you how many of you realize that our sister American republics cover an area of nine millions of square miles, or three times that of the United States proper; that they maintain a growing population of seventy millions, or seven-ninths of that of our land; that they conducted last year a foreign commerce-and commerce is called the life blood of nations-valued at two thousand millions (or two billions) of dollars, equal to two-thirds of the foreign trade of our prosperous country; that its great cities. like Buenos Ayres and Rio de Janeiro have passed the million mark in population, and are growing faster than any city in the United States, with the exception of New York and Chicago; that the Argentine Republic, with a population of only seven millions, in temperate southern South America, carried on last year the enormous foreign trade of seven hundred millions of dollars, the largest per capita trade of any nation of importance on the face of the earth, and greater than that of Japan, with fifty millions of people, or China, with three hundred millions of inhabitants; that Lima, the beautiful capital of Peru, had a university one hundred years old before fair Harvard was thought of-not to speak of Yale, the alma mater of our president; that little Uruguay, not larger than New England, has more poets and essayists than all the United States; that, despite troubles at some points, two-thirds of the nations and. population of Latin America have known no revolution whatever in the last fifteen years; that municipal administration in every great Latin capital is far ahead in economy and in working out the city beautiful and healthful than the average metropolis of the United States; that out of the Amazon River flows every morning four times the volume of the Mississippi; and that into Brazil, the largest South American republic, you could place all the connected area of the United States from the Atlantic to the Pacific and still have room left over for the German Empire! Do not omisunderstand me. I am not in any way speaking |