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But again, the prospects for colonization are brighter than ever before. Negotiations are now pending with states of South America, not unlikely to be successful, and opening new and inviting homes to the colored race. Colonization to Liberia may not, so far, have justified the country's anticipations; yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that under the new incentives of freedom, and conditions ameliorated by remunerated labor, the colored people will go in numbers largely increasing from year to year, till there will be a mighty exodus of the greater portion of that population. When the Government shall have opened commercial relations, and a regular trade with Africa and regions nearer the tropics, there is no reason why the negro may not seek the land of his fathers, or some region further south, as certainly and readily as millions of foreigners from Britain and the continent now seek these United States. I know not the designs of Providence towards this people, but of this I feel sure, that no distant period will have elapsed, when not only the North, but the South, rejuvenated in every material and social interest, will rejoice in emancipation, though now, to the latter it may seem an intolerable injury.

For a vindication of the Government against any charge of unfairness to the seceding States, it is important, briefly, to consider a few historical facts. It is undoubtedly true that, from its institution down to the rebeliion, there have been no acts of hostility by the Government towards the seceding States. On the contrary, the greater part of this time, the latter have had the ascendancy in our national councils, and been, in fact, the pets of the Government. They have had not only the largest share of the offices, but also shaped the policy of the Governinent. For them Texas was admitted into the Union, with its slavery; for them the war was waged with Mexico. In 1850, California was denied admission into the Union, because another star of freedom would thereby be added to the constellation of states, and would secure additional free state Senators and Representatives; for them the fugitive slave law was passed and enforced; the Missouri Compromise, in 1820, was first passed to secure the admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave state, and afterwards, in 1854, it was repealed, because it inhibited the extension of slavery north of the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min., north latitude. Kansas was invaded and her citizens murdered, to secure the admission of another slave State. The Dred Scott decision, which overturned the precedents of every court in the civilized world, and proclaimed the abhorrent doctrine that slavery might lawfully go into any State or territory, was also made in the interest of the South. All freedom of utterance, for years past, was crushed out in the South by intolerant mob law. The same intolerance, bold and defiant, infected the capital in all its circles, social and political, crushing out even the utterances of the Senate chamber with the bludgeon and the bowieknife. This spirit, growing more and more offensive and defiant, finally culminated in open rebellion, upon the pretext of the election of the present Chief Magistrate, by the vote of the people, fairly and constitutionally expressed. The rebel states then proceeded, against all warning and without cause, to lay their unhallowed hands upon our temple of liberty, to overthrow and destroy the constitution which so long nursed and protected them. Who, then, can dare to claim for them the protec

tion of that constitution, or plead the inviolability of their State institutions under that constitution? Shall we hesitate, in view of the great crime and wickedness of this rebellion, to exterminate from the face of the earth the evil which is the cause of the wild storm of war, ruin and desolation, which now confronts us on every hand.

In view of all these facts, I demand the removal of slavery. In the name of my country, whose peace it has disturbed, and plunged into fearful civil war; in the name of the heroes it has slain; in the name of justice, whose highest tribunals it has corrupted and prostituted to its basest ends and purposes; in the name of Washington and Jefferson, and all the old patriots who struggled round about the camps of liberty, and who looked forward to the early extinction of slavery; in the name of progress, civilization and liberty, and in the name of God himself, I demand the utter and entire demolition of this heaven-cursed wrong of human bondage-this sole cause of the treason, death and misery, which fill the land. Fear not the consequences, for the Almighty will uphold the arms of the hosts whose banners are blazoned with the glorious war-cry of liberty. Fear not foreign intervention, for the civilized nations of the world will hail with delight the unfurled banner of universal emancipation. We need not, it is true, expect sympathy from the privileged classes of Europe, because they seem to have an inveterate hatred against our liberal institutions. But the masses of Europe will sympathize with a nation which, for eighty-five years, has been the asylum for the down-trodden of every land, and which is now offering up the flower of its people to subdue a treasonable slave oligarchy. Let foreign nations stand advised that we have little dread of their intervention; that, though in the travail of an exhausting war, we are better prepared to encounter it now than ever before; and that nothing could more firmly knit together all parties in the loyal States, and give steadfastness to their purpose to be united and free, than the uncalled-for intermeddling of any foreign power in our domestic troubles. In that event, instead of one million, three millions of armed men would rally to the standard, and overwhelm with speedy ruin all traitors at home, and all enemies from abroad. Then henceforth, in the management of this war, let our watchword be emancipation; emblazon it on every banner; shout it at the head of our charging columns and victorions legions; let it be "our pillar of cloud by day, and our pillar of fire by night;" then our arms shall be successful, and we shall solve the problem of the ages-that there is inherent energy enough in a government of the people to vindicate itself and survive all the throes of political and civil revolution. Slavery removed, and we shall have peace-solid and enduring peace and our nation, entering upon a new career, will leap with a mighty bound to be the greatest and freest upon the face of the earth. I have hope for my country, because I think the right policy has been adopted. There remains but one other thing to make my assurance doubly sure; and that is, I want to see no divisions among the friends of the Union in the loyal states. Could I know that the people of the free states were willing to ignore party, and resolved to act with one purpose and one will for the vigorous prosecution of the war and the restoration of the Union, then I should have no doubt of a happy end to all our difficulties.

The secessionists have hoped for success upon three grounds. First, upon our supposed inferior valor; second, upon foreign aid; and, third, upon a divided North. The two first have failed them. They now despair of any foreign intervention, and on many battle fields the cool, determined bravery of our Northern troops has proved an over-match for the fiery, impetuous valor of the South. But can I truthfully say that their strongest hope and main reliance, a divided North, has failed them?

To prove that this point is worthy of consideration, and that the fate of the Republic is connected with it, let me refer a little to history.

At the Charleston Convention, in May, 1860, the Democratic party which so long swayed the destinies of America, became divided upon the slavery question. The radical, pro-slavery secession party adopted the views of Breckinridge; while the friends of the Union, in that party, followed the lead of Douglas. It is now worthy of notice that the leaders of both these parties looked upon this question of division among the people of the North as the decisive one. Mr. Breckinridge looked upon the probability of such a division as a bright omen for disunion; and Mr. Douglas contemplated such division with fear and trembling for the Republic.

Mr. Breckinridge, in a speech in the United States Senate, on the first day of August, 1861, said:

"Fight twelve months longer, and the already opening differences between New England and the Northwest will develop themselves. You have two confederacies now. Fight twelve months, and you will have three; twelve months longer, and you will have four."

On the first day of May, in the city of Chicago, Mr. Douglas said; "I know that they (the secessionists,) have expected to present a united South against a divided North. The conspirators have been led to the hope that in the Northern states it would be a party question, producing civil war between democrats and republicans, and the South, being united, would step in with their legions and help destroy the one and then conquer the victor. The scheme was bloodshed and civil war in every Northern state."



Mr. Douglas, further said, "I am a good partisan hater and fighter, in time of peace; but you will find me as good a patriot when the country is in danger. * It is your duty to lay aside party creeds and party platforms. Then I appeal to you, my democratic friends, do not let mortification, growing out of a defeat in a partisan struggle, convert you from patriots to traitors to your native land. Whenever our government is assailed, when hostile armies are marching under rude and odious banners, the shortest way to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous preparation for war.'

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I quote these words, because now the elements in this dark and dangerous hour most to be dreaded, springs from divisions in the Northern states, growing out of ambitions and strifes for individual and party ascendency. Mr. Douglas plainly foresaw the danger, and leaped the wide chasm of party to save his country.

Immeasurably important to our country is it now that there should

be but one party, and that for the Union. In peace times, I confess myself to being a partisan, strong, relentless, unforgiving; but when the country is in such imminent peril, I try to know no party, save my country. In the appointments I have made to office, I have endeavored to confer them as nearly equally as possible, upon republicans and democrats. Whenever I see a man, be he a republican or democrat, who is ready to bring a good, honest heart, and a strong, vigorous arm to the support of the Government, and lay aside all to save his country, then, irrespective of old party associations and affiliations, I will take him by the hand as a brother, and bury forever in the tomb of human forgetfulness all memory of former wrong.

If the members of this General Assembly, and the press and people of Illinois, in the spirit of lofty patriotism, could lay aside every thing of a party character, and evince to the country, to our army, and, especially to the secession States, that we are one in heart and sentiment for every measure for the vigorous prosecution of the war, it would have a more marked effect upon the suppression of the rebellion than great victories achieved over the enemy upon the battle-field. For, when the North shall present an undivided front-a stern and unfaltering purpose to exhaust every available means to suppress the rebellion, then the last strong prop of the latter will have fallen from under it, and it will succumb and sue for peace. Should divisions mark our councils, or any considerable portion of our people give signs of hesitation, then a shout of exultation will go up, throughout all the hosts of rebeldom, and bonfires and illuminations be kindled in every Southern city, hailing our divisions as the sure harbingers of their success. We must stand by the President, and send up to him, and to our brave armies in the field, the support of an undivided sentiment and one universal cheer from the masses of all the loyal States. The stern realities of actual war have produced unanimity among our soldiers in the army. With them the paltry contests of men for political power dwindle into insignificance before the mightier question of the preservation of the national life. Coming into closer contact with Southern men and society, the sentiments of those who looked favorably upon Southern institutions have shifted round. They have now formed their own opinions of the proper relations of the Federal Government to them, which no sophistry of the mere politician can ever change. Seeing for themselves slavery and its effects upon both master and slave, they learn to hate it and swear eternal hostility to it in their hearts. Fighting for their country, they learn doubly to love it. Fighting for the Union, they resolve to preserve, at all hazards, the glorious palladium of our liberties.

Can we consent to send a keen and fatal pang to the heart of every Illinois soldier, now fighting for his country, by ill-timed party strife at home? Will we dampen his hope, cool his ardor, paralyze his arm? While our brave boys are in the field, exposed to snows and storms, often without tents, sleeping these cold nights upon the frozen earth, undergoing long and wearisome marches, suffering, bleeding, dying upon the battle-field, or upon the road-side, and in hospitals scattered over the land, far away from home, wife, children and friends, can we consent to fritter away precions time, in these dark and eventful hours, in petty contentions for place, and party ascendancy?

That I may relieve myself of the charge, by any one, of attempting to cast censures on any particular party, here let me say, that, as Commander-in-chief of the army of this State, I know that the troops of Illinois are composed of both republicans and democrats: I cannot say definitely in what proportions, but I can say that both are largely represented, and that I have found no reason whatever to complain of either.

It also affords me great pleasure to say that I believe there is no considerable portion of any party in the State of Illinois in favor of a dissolution of the Union. I have been in a position where I could judge, and must condemn, as uncharitable, the judgment of some friends, and say to them, that traitors, men who would pull down the pillars of this fair fabric of American independence of ours, are "few and far between." Indeed, I assert that any party in Illinois would soon meet with overwhelming popular condemnation, in the attempt to divide our bloodcemented Union by any imaginable boundary lines, under any pretenses, however plausible they might be.

I regret that appeals are being made to the masses by a few public presses in the country for separation from New England. Not a drop of New England blood courses my veins; still I should deem myself an object of commiseration and shame if I could forget her glorious history; if I could forget that the blood of her citizens freely commingled with that of my own ancestors upon those memorable fields which ushered in the millennium dawn of civil and religious liberty. I propose not to be the eulogist of New England; but she is indissolubly bound to us by all the bright memories of the past, by all the glory of the present, by all the hopes of the future. I shall always glory in the fact that I belong to a republic in the galaxy of whose stars New England is among the brightest and best. Palsied be the hand that would sever the ties which bind the East and West.

There are differences of opinion as to the best mode of restoring a peaceful reunion and the healthful authority of the government; but I do not for a moment tolerate the idea that any considerable portion of either party, would upon any compromise or terms whatever, consent to a dismemberment of the Union. Even opposition to the policy of the Administration does not necessarily imply opposition to the Union. But here I desire to make a remark, to which I invite the patriotic consideration of the members of the General Assembly. It certainly is not unreasonable for the party, which has been placed in power under all the forms of constitutional usage and requirements, to ask at the hands of the opposition, during the term of its administration, a tolerant support of the measures which it adopts for the restoration of the Union, leaving the question of party supremacy to be determined at the regu larly recurring elections. Our ship of State is on the stormy wave, amid the rocks and breakers. It we stop to decide whether we shall have a new captain she will go under before we have decided. Let every man be at his post, on quarter-deck and prow, at helm, sail and rope, fore and aft, and all say to the captain, "we will see you through. Let's save the ship."

The accumulated horrors of this dreadful war have led the minds of the people to think of peace, and every true patriot and philanthropist ardently desires peace. But it has its difficulties. It is not desirable.

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