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obedient, vigilant, brave, they are ever ready for any service, however difficult or perilous, whether in the camp, on the march or in the field. Many, alas! too many, gallant spirits have sealed their devotion to their country with their lives. Wallace, Hogg, Applington, Davis, Thomas H. Smith, Irwin, Kilpatrick, Raith, Tupper, White, Ross, Thrush, and McCullough, and others of the noble dead, are names long to be remembered. They are of the flower of the State: her chosen sons, who fell with their faces to the foe. "Leaving in battle no blot upon their names," their heroic deeds look calmly and proudly forth from their "death beds of fame." And many a rude hillock on the banks of the Cumberland, the Tennessee, the Potomac, the Yazoo, and the great Father of Rivers, marks the spot where the humbler but no less brave, patriotic, noble-hearted soldier of Illinois mingles his late manly form with its mother earth. Not less religiously are their memories kept green in the hearts of the narrower circles of relatives and friends, who knew them well in life and sincerely mourn them in their premature yet glorious death.

RECORD OF ILLINOIS SOLDIERS.

In this connection, I recommend to the Legislature that a work be prepared and published, containing a record of every regiment, the prominent battles and skirmishes it has participated in, the name of every soldier, the fact of his having been wounded or killed in battle, as the case may be, etc. Such a record would be of priceless value to our State, and, for all time, would remain the most glorious history of the part she has taken in the war for the defense of the Union that could possibly be written. It would be a household work.

SANITARY COMMISSIONS.

It would be improper, in a communication like this, not to refer to the immense benefits which have been conferred upon the army by the con tributions and efforts of individuals in supplying it with stores necessary to the health and comfort of the scldiers. Indeed, could the people be fully informed how vast have been these efforts and contributions, they would feel a degree of pride for their State which no other subject could excite, unless it be the prowess and manly endurance of the sick and wounded for whom they have been made. Almost every village and neighborhood have been the theaters of these efforts. Large hearted men have paid liberally in money and stores of various kinds, while noble-souled women have plied their busy fingers in preparing garments and such articles of food as were deemned indispensable. Soldiers' aid societies have been formed in every part of the State, and their agents have ever been on hand covering battle-fields with ambulances, and supplying the hospitals with beds, bandages and all needed appli ances for sick and wounded soldiers. Among these humane agencies, it will not be considered a disparagement of any other to name, with profound respect, the Sanitary Commission of Chicago, under the direction of its able, faithful and most efficient President. The operations of this commission have been upon a scale of the largest usefulness, draw

ing its supplies not alone from the citizens of Chicago, whose contribu tions have been on a scale of munificence unexcelled by any city in the Union, but also from every portion of the State.

I deem it my duty to refer more particularly to this subject because, notwithstanding so much had been done and was doing in this great work, yet so large was our army, so large was the number of our wounded in our numerous bloody battles, so extensive were the ravages of disease and death consequent upon exposure, new modes of living, unhealthy localities, etc., and so utterly unable was the United States Government to supply so many at the right time, that urgent appeals for relief from the army, and from the agents already in the field, came to me constantly. The appeals were made to me as Governor of the State, and I deemed it my duty to lend the aid of the State, so far as it was in my power, by sending succor and comfort to the brave men who had gone forth from their kindred and homes, and periled health, property, life, and all, for their country.

On the 20th of August, 1862, I established an agency, in the nature of a State Sanitary Bureau, and directed the State Commissary General to take charge of this department, to whom all communications and packages should be addressed. I also dispatched an agent to Cairo, to receive and forward, from there, all packages sent to his care. I then addressed a circular to the people of the State of Illinois, soliciting them to forward their contributions. As proof of the liberal response of the people, both in money and needed stores, I refer you to the very interesting report of the Commissary General.

In connection with the foregoing, I desire to call your attention to the important consideration, that while the war lasts, the necessity of these benevolent efforts will not cease to exist. I have no hesitation in saying that this great sanitary enterprise should receive the strong encouragement of the General Assembly, and be made, to some extent, the subject of legislative action.

SANITARY BUREAU.

Should this General Assembly continue the Bureau now established, with proper safeguards and checks, it would be the means of immense relief to our sick and wounded, and would, in some small way, pay the debt we owe them for their great sacrifices. It would at least be a well merited token of regard from the people of a great state to their brave sons. It would add but comparatively little to their burthens. An agent could be most usefully employed in accompanying every regi ment, for the purpose of taking care of the sick, burying the dead, marking the spot of burial, and corresponding with friends and the government at home, as to the sanitary war.ts of the troops; and I call your attention to a copy of a resolution, herewith submitted, of the Board of Supervisors of Vermilion county, requesting the appointment of a sanitary agent, to transmit stores to the various armies and hospitals where soldiers from that county may be located. It has been sug gested that each county should have an agent appointed by the state to report periodically to the head of a State Bureau. I have addressed a letter to the various chaplains, urging the importance of these matters.

They and the other officers and soldiers, in many instances, no dozot, give such attention as their various duties will allow; but it is evident that very much in addition could be done by a person charged with the special responsibilities of these duties. It would perhaps be difficult in any law to provide for the innumerable modes in which relief can be and ought to be afforded; and, it is, therefore, that I make the recom mendation, as above, and that a sufficient sum be placed under the control of the head of that bureau, for the purpose of carrying out these sacred objects.

In connection with this subject, I must also refer to the very interesting reports of state sanitary agents, who have been visiting various hospitals, and other places where large numbers of our sick and wounded are confined. These suggestions are of the deepest interest to all concerned in the welfare of the soldiers. The greatest benefit has ensued from their labors in visiting the hospitals, cheering the soldiers, writing letters for them, supplying them with comforts of apparel and food, and pointing out any abuses which, in most cases, were promptly remedied,

SURGEON GENERAL.

Many of the States have created the office of Surgeon General, giving such an officer supervision of the medical corps of the State and superintendence of the supplies of proper medicines, for the government hospitals, etc. Such an officer might act in conjunction with the sanitary bureau, and be authorized to employ such aid as may be necessary in taking care of the sick and wounded, providing for transportation of supplies of the sanitary department, procuring discharges, passes and transportation of sick, furloughs for wounded, and other needed assist

ance.

SOLDIERS' HOME.

After most careful reflection I am led to recommend to the General Assembly the erection of a hospital or soldiers' home. In such an institution, our sick and wounded could be within the reach of their friends at home, whose anxiety and vigilance would secure for them from the United States officers in charge, comfortable lodging, food, clothing and proper medical attendance.

In my visits to the sick and wounded, I have found an overpowering desire among them to be taken to their own State, where they would be within reach of their friends. I found the dying also breathing out the vain wish that they might be allowed to draw their last breath upon the soil of the State, which had the first claim upon their affections, and for which they were then laying down their lives.

I therefore recommend that the State of Illinois make provision for a soldiers' home in the State, to be sustained, if practicable, by the General Government. But, in any event, I recommend the establishment of such an institution at some accessible point in our State. Nothing could more inspire the gratitude or stimulate the patriotism of our gallant countrymen in the field, or prove a nobler monument of the State's paternal regard for her loyal sons than such an institution as this.

BOUNTIES.

I feel it my duty also to call the attention of the General Assembly to the subject of bounties. I believe the State of Illinois should be behind no other in the liberal remuneration of its troops.

They have surely deserved as much in this regard as those of any other State. Very many of them are poor, and have large and helpless families. Those in more prosperous circumstances have sacrificed much in happiness and loss of business and property, in going to the war. In the event that the General Assembly shall provide for such bounty, it would, it seems to me, be eminently proper to adopt some measure for refunding to the counties the bounties which they so generously paid to their soldiers, or in some equitable mode to relieve them, pro tanto, of the amount required to be raised towards this object. Perhaps the best mode of providing the means for this bounty, would be to provide for the issue of twenty year bonds, which would only devolve the necessity of a tax to meet the interest.

I am aware that in making these various recommendations, the debt of the State will be considerably increased. Still, while I am disposed to council the utmost economy in all other objects of expenditures, I feel it a matter of sacred duty, a question of State pride, to evince at least reasonable liberality to the men who have so nobly served the State, and shed upon it, by their heroic prowess, a name and glory which are to be the priceless heritage of our children for all time to come. As I have said, the debt of the State is small, compared with our immense resources. We have, also, the sure prospect of being, twenty years hence, when the principal of the bonds would mature, almost the first State in the Union, in the amount of its taxable property, and in wealth and power.

The proceedings of the late Constitutional Convention, may be held up, not only as a justification of expenses already incurred, but as an example to be followed upon this subject by this General Assembly. That convention, by resolution, authorized the expenditure of $500,000 for the relief of our soldiers in the field. It is true, that having no legislative power, the act was a nullity, and bonds issued under such authority would have been worthless in the market. Yet the passage of the resolution may be taken as the animus of that body, and as evidence of what they would have done had the power existed. The question of power does not arise in your case. I leave the whole subject in your hands, not doubting that you will give to it the grave consideration which its high importance demands at your hands; not doubting that when all that we hold dear of life, liberty, property and happiness is seriously imperiled, our hearts will fully and gratefully go out to those who have risked all to leave them to us and those who come after us.

INCREASE OF PAY TO PRIVATE SOLDIERS.

I hope this General Assembly will send its potent voice to Congress, demanding an increase of pay to the private soldier. His present pay is only $13 per month, or $156 per year, a sum totally insufficient to support him and his family at the present high rate of every article of

family consumption, at least fifty per cent. higher now than when the war commenced. Thirteen dollars per month is no better pay now than seven dollars would have been two years since. It will be economy in the Government to increase the pay, or desertions, already numerous, will become still more so. No soldier can bear the thought that his wife and children are in destitution and suffering. I recommend a strong appeal by this General Assembly to Congress, for this most important and humane object.

APPROPRIATIONS.

The several appropriations of the last session were disbursed, as will appear from the reports of the officers having charge thereof. Other appropriations will be required to carry on the State government for the ensuing biennial term. In ordinary times, the amount set aside for the Executive department, would have been ample, but in the extraordinary demands of business, and the great increase of official duties, it has not been sufficient. I have frequently been compelled to dispense with necessary and important services for the want of means. want of the requisite assistance in the departments immediately connected with the executive has necessitated unusual and burdensome labors upon all those employed therein. All that is required, however, is an appropriation which will be sufficient for the purpose, having in view the extraordinary demands continually to arise during the pendency of the war.

The

OUR COUNTRY.

The recent partial reverse of our arms at Fredericksburg has caused some to look with despondency upon the prospect of the suppression of the rebellion. Such should not be the case. The most successful armies in the world have met with reverses. The battle of Fredericksburg seemed to be almost a necessity. The public sentiment would no longer brook delay. The demoralization of the army, and the exhausted patience of the country, demanded a forward movement at all hazards. The battle of Fredericksburg has established the important fact that the Grand Army of the Potomac is not wanting in will or courage, and that upon an equal field our triumph would be sure and glorious. It can certainly be no cause of exultation to the enemy that he has maintained his ground when fighting against direct assault from behind impregnable fortifications. That a way will be found to dislodge him, I have no fears.

My faith in ultimate triumph is stronger now than ever, because I believe that the administration has settled upon the true, the only policy under which it is possible to achieve success. That policy consists, first, in a more vigorous prosecution of the war-second, in the Proclamation of Emancipation. A sickening despondency occasioned by painful delays has been preying fearfully upon the heart of the nation. But true, loyal hearts beat with quicker pulsations when the Administration, freeing itself from the incubus which seemed to weigh it down, resolved upon the policy henceforward to "move upon the enemy's works."

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