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along the shore. Accompanied by Secretary Chase and Secretary Stanton, he visited Fortress Monroe. He asked Admiral Goldsborough if troops could not be landed on the north shore. If so, they would only have to march eight miles to reach

Norfolk.

[graphic]

"There is no landing-place on the north shore," said the admiral. "We shall have to double the cape and approach the place from the south side, which will be a long and difficult journey."

"Have you ever tried to find a landing?"

"We have not."

"That reminds me," said Mr. Lincoln, "of a fellow out in Illinois who had studied law, but who never had tried a case. He was sued, and not having confidence in his own ability, employed a lawyer to manage it for him. He had only a confused idea of law terms, but was anxious to make a display of learning, and on trial made suggestions to his lawyer. He said: 'Why don't you go at him with a capias, or surrebutter, or something, and not stand there like a confounded old mudum factum? Now, admiral, if you do not know there is not a landing on the north shore, I want you to find out."

HAMPTON ROADS.

Admiral Goldsborough understood why the President told the story. Accompanied by Secretary Chase and General Wool, he closely examined the shore and found a landing. The troops were put in motion.

The Confederates evacuated Norfolk. The Merrimac was blown up, and the Union gunboats steamed up the James.

The President returned to Washington much pleased with the results. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, called at the White House to present four gentlemen from England. It was early in the forenoon, and the President had not laid aside his dressing-gown. He rose and greeted them without embarrassment, making no apology for not having completed his toilet.

"You have been fighting great battles," said Mr. Goldwin Smith, one of the visitors.

"Yes."

"Will not your great losses impair the industrial resources of the North and the revenues of the country?"

"That brings to mind 'darkey arithmetic,'" said Mr. Lincoln.

66

Darkey arithmetic! I did not know, Mr. President, that you have two systems of arithmetic."

"Oh yes; and I'll illustrate that point by a little story. Two young contrabands, as we now call them, were seated together. 'Jim,' said one, 'do you know 'rithm'tic?'

666

"No. What is 'rithm'tic?'

"It's where you adds up tings.

When you has one and one and

puts dem togeder, dey makes two. When you substracts tings, if you has two tings and you takes one away, only one remains.'

[blocks in formation]

"Yes 'tis, and I'll show ye. Now spose tree pigeons sit on dat fence, and somebody shoots one of dem, do tother two stay dar? Dey flies away fore tother feller falls.'

"Now, gentlemen, the story illustrates the arithmetic you must use in estimating the actual losses resulting from one of our great battles. The statements you refer to give the killed, wounded, and missing at the first roll-call, which always gives an exaggerated total."

"Is it not unfortunate that such reports should go out? Would it not be better to delay making any report, Mr. President?"

"Perhaps so. But I am surprised at the smallness rather than the greatness of the number missing, when we take into account the dense woods, long marches, and the fatigues of men unaccustomed to military life."

To the astonishment of the gentlemen, the President gave comparisons between American and European wars, and showed by statistics that the missing in the battles fought by the volunteers were less than in the armies of Europe after a great battle.

Mr. William D. Kelley, member of Congress, was present, a silent listener. As the gentlemen passed from the executive chamber he heard their conversation.

"What are your impressions of him?" one asked.

"Such a person," the reply, "is quite unknown to our official circles or to those of continental nations. I think his place in history will

be unique. He has not been trained to diplomacy or administrative affairs, and is in all respects one of the people. But how wonderfully he is endowed and equipped for the performance of the duties of the chief executive office of the United States at this time! The precision and minuteness of his information on all questions to which we referred was a succession of surprises to me." (")

The colored people not only those in the Northern States, but throughout the South-knew from the time Abraham Lincoln was nominated for the Presidency that he represented Freedom; that the party supporting him was pledged to prevent the further extension of Slavery. They comprehended that the war was a conflict between Freedom and Slavery. The most ignorant slaves on a Southern plantation understood that Mr. Lincoln represented Liberty. Many thousand colored people were in Washington. Their churches on Sunday were thronged. The children were gathered into Sunday-schools, which held a May-day celebration.

Never had there been such a spectacle witnessed in the United States as that on the day set apart for the festivities. Parents arrayed themselves and their children in gaudy clothing, displaying startling contrasts of color-white, yellow, green, blue, crimson-regardless of artistic harmony. The marshals wore huge rosettes, and marched with conspicuous dignity. The procession came down Pennsylvania Avenue, entered the White House grounds, and passed beneath the portico. At one of the windows stood the President. The teachers had endeavored to impress the children that they must march in solemn and dignified silence when in the presence of the greatest man in the world. They might as well have said to the yeast in a barrel of beer there must be no fermentation. The ministers and teachers at the head of the procession passed the President with stately dignity, but the irrepressible yeast burst forth with the coming of the first file of boys. "Hooray! Hooray!" they shouted, and waved their flags. The enthusiasm ran down the line. The girls tossed their flowers into the window. "There he is!" "I seen him!" "Dats Mars. Linkum.” "Look at him!" "Look at him !" (1)

Till the last child has passed he stands there. Never before has a President of the United States reviewed such a procession. Never before has a chief magistrate so recognized a down-trodden people, or so acknowledged the brotherhood of the human race.

His thoughts were turned from the children to the war. May 10th McClellan telegraphed for more troops:

“I ask for every man the department can send me. I beg that you will cause this army to be reinforced without delay by all the disposable troops of the Government. I ask for every man that the War Department can send. . . . The soldiers have confidence in me as their general, and in you as their President. Strong reinforcements will at least save the lives of many of them."

In response to these calls General McDowell, who was at Freder icksburg, was ordered to march overland to York River. President Lincoln visited him, and directed his movements. But there came a sudden change of the plan. General Banks, with a small force, was near Strasburg. "Stonewall" Jackson, with a much larger Confederate army, was pushing northward, forcing Banks to make a rapid retreat. Jackson's movement menaced Washington.

The President thereupon directed McDowell to move westward and gain Jackson's rear instead of marching to Richmond, and then sent the following despatch to McClellan :

May 25.

"If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should be entirely helpless. Apprehensions of something like this, and no unwillingness to sustain you, have always been my reasons for withholding McDowell from you. Please understand this, and do the best you can with the force you have."

A little later the same day the President telegraphed :

"I think the time is near when you must either attack Richmond or give up the job and come to the defence of Washington."

The President mapped out the best possible movements for the different bodies of troops: McDowell to hasten westward to Port Royal and cut off Jackson's retreat; Fremont, who was farther west, to hasten east and join McDowell. McClellan the while was calling for more troops.

The attempt to cut off Jackson resulted in failure through the tardiness of Fremont. The Confederates retreated from Harper's Ferry as rapidly as they had advanced.

The army on the Peninsula was divided by the Chickahominy River. Two corps, commanded by Heintzleman and Keyes, were attacked at Seven Pines; Sumner hastened to their aid, and the Confederates were defeated, and their commander, General Johnston, wounded.

General Dix, who had succeeded General Wool at Fortress Monroe, sent 10,000 men to McClellan; McCall's division of 10,000 from McDowell's corps was also forwarded, increasing the army to nearly 157,000.

Mortifying the news that came to McClellan. General Stuart, with

a division of Confederate cavalry, burned two schooners in the Pamunkey River, tore up the railroad track leading to White House, June 13. fired upon a train, captured supplies and the sick in one of the hospitals, trotted around the Union army, and afterwards returned to Richmond.

The information was received with incredulity and disgust by the people. It foreshadowed failure, if not disaster. Members of Congress who visited the peninsula said they found soldiers guarding the property of an officer who was in the Confederate army. Surgeons were not allowed to pitch their hospital tents beneath the trees near the house of a Confederate, but were compelled to set them up in the blazing sunshine. Senator Wade and a party sought shelter from a shower beneath the portico of a house, and were rudely driven from it. General Sumner was informed regarding the indignity.

"You must not hold me responsible, gentlemen. I am not generalin-chief. I must enforce the order of my superior," the reply. (")

Reports came to the President that officers who were in sympathy with McClellan would send in their resignations if negroes were employed to aid in putting down the Rebellion.

June 23.

At the yearly meeting of the Progressive Friends, a society of Quakers, William Lloyd Garrison drew up a memorial to the President, asking him to issue a Proclamation of Emancipation. Oliver Johnson, Thomas Garrett, and several others visited Washington to present it to Mr. Lincoln. Although the news from the army was discouraging, though he had passed a sleepless night, he patiently listened to the reading of the address. It intimated that he had not done what the people expected him to do when they elected him. It set forth the blessings that would immediately follow were he to issue a proclamation. "If it is not done," read the memorial, "blood will continue to flow and fierce dissensions abound, calamities increase and fiery judgments be poured out, until the work of national destruction is consummated beyond hope of recovery."

"You cannot," said Mr. Lincoln, "expect me to make any extended reply to your address, as I have not been provided with a copy in advance. Slavery is the most troublesome question we have to deal with. My view in regard to the way of getting rid of it may not be your view. We all agree that it is wrong. You want me to issue a Proclamation of Emancipation; but were I to do so, how can I enforce it? I feel the magnitude of the task before me, and wish to be rightly di

rected."

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