"They ought to select some one who knows more than I do," Mr. Lincoln replied. (')

It was voted to present his name at the National Convention. This action was brought about mainly by Leonard Swett, B. C. Cook, Norman B. Judd, and

We are

David Davis.
not to conclude that it
was wholly a surprise
to Mr. Lincoln. He
knew people were talk-
ing about him as a pos-
sible candidate. He
had endeared himself
to the Republicans of
the State by his devo-
tion to principle, his de-
bates with Douglas, his
unselfish action in secur-
ing the election of Sen-
ator Trumbull. They
loved him for his noble
manhood and the sim-
plicity of his character.
During a journey
from Washington to
Pittsburg I conversed

with men prominent in political affairs, and was convinced that Mr. Seward would not receive the votes of Pennsylvania in the convention. For more than a third of a century New York and Pennsylvania had been rival States for political prestige and power. New York had assumed to be the "Empire State;" Pennsylvania prided herself on being the "Keystone" in the arch of the republic. It was plain that Pennsylvania did not intend to support the favorite son of the Empire State. In Ohio there was a moderate enthusiasm for Mr. Chase, but I could not discover active effort being made to secure his nomination. Of public sentiment in Indiana I could form no definite opinion, except that the candidate ought to be from the great and growing West. Arriving in Chicago several days before the assembling of the convention, I found a number of delegates from St. Louis actively advocating the nomination of Mr. Bates. In no city of the Union had there been so rapid a

development of Republican sentiment as in St. Louis, and the delegates believed, or affected to believe, that with Mr. Bates they could secure the electoral vote of the State.

There was but one name on the lips of the Republicans of Illinois -Abraham Lincoln. They knew him; had looked into his kindly face; had listened to his unanswerable arguments in the debates with Douglas, as clear and demonstrable as a proposition from "Euclid."

Mr. Thurlow Weed, of Albany, was managing affairs in the interest of Mr. Seward. He had engaged a number of rooms at the hotels. His agents were in Chicago previous to the assembling of the convention. He had men on the ground to ask admission to the convention as delegates from Texas and other Southern States, to cast their ballots for Mr. Seward. I discovered companies of men strolling the streets-half a dozen in a band-hurrahing for Seward. The train from New York bringing the delegates was decorated with flags. A brass band played the "Star Spangled Banner" and "Yankee Doodle." Seward was an experienced statesman, who had had long acquaintance with public affairs. Lincoln was only a homespun lawyer who had been in Congress but one term. "A rail-splitter! What did he know of the needs of the nation? Hurrah for Seward!" such the argument.

The Republicans of Chicago had erected a building sufficiently large to accommodate 10,000 people. They called it "The Wigwam." It was plain, unpretentious-built for the accommodation not only of the delegates, but of the people. Significant the holding of the convention of the new party of the people in the rapidly-growing city of the West in contrast to that of the Democratic Party in the old City of Charleston, which had come to a stand-still. In Charleston every movement of the slave aristocracy looked towards disintegration and defeat; in Chicago the enthusiasm was indicative of harmony and victory.

The first day was spent in organization. George Ashman, of Massachusetts, was president of the convention. I noticed, as I sat at a

1860.

small table in the section assigned to representatives of the Press, May 16, that when Mr. Seward's name was mentioned there was an outburst of applause in different parts of the great auditorium. The leaders had received their instructions from Thurlow Weed, of Albany, who happened to sit by my side, who was not using his pen, but who saw everything that was going on. The organization and the enthusiasm of the convention was all that he could desire for bringing about the nomination of Mr. Seward. The second day was given to preparing the platform and canvassing for candidates.

This the telegram sent by Horace Greeley to his paper, the New York" Tribune:"

"Governor Seward will be nominated to-morrow."

Not so did I regard the outlook. It was evident that the delegates from the East, who never before had been in the West, were being influenced by the rising enthusiasm of the multitudes which surged through the streets in the evening, hurrahing for Abraham Lincoln.

Midnight beheld Norman Judd, of Chicago; Burton C. Cook, of Ottawa; David Davis, of Springfield, and others in secret consultation at the Tremont House.

"We must beat Seward's men on their own ground," said Judd. "There is a fellow in this city with a thundering voice. He can halloo loud enough to be heard across Lake Michigan, and I propose that we have him on hand to-morrow."

"I know of another fellow, by the name of Ames, who lives down my way, who can halloo as loud as your Chicago chap. He is a Democrat, but I guess will be open to a job. I'll telegraph him to be on hand in the morning," said Cook.

The sun rose upon a cloudless sky. Each incoming train brought ad

May 18,

EDWARD BATES.

ditional thousands from Northern Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, and Southern Wisconsin. No one had marshalled them. They 1860. came to manifest their enthusiasm for the party which stood pledged to resist the aggressions of slavery. They were more ready to hurrah for Lincoln than for Seward. Lincoln was the representative of the bone, sinew, and muscle of the younger West; Seward