HIS REPLY TO A BEGGING LETTER.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE:

MY DEAR SIR:-The young gentlemen of the Philologian Literary Society of the Masonic College request me to tender their sincere regards to you and ask if you will be so kind as to donate to them a copy of the Weekly Tribune. The Society consists of fifty students, who are anxious to form, for their sole benefit, a reading-room in their hall.

"While we all abhor your principles, we respect you as a talented and honorable foe; and your paper would be cheerfully welcomed in our hall, not for the principles which it advocates, but for the ability with which they are promulgated. Be assured, sir, that we will all feel under many obligations if you will make us such a present. With gratitude and respect, "S. C. H., Corresponding Secretary.

"LEXINGTON, Mo., January 30, 1855."

"REPLY.

“MR. SECRETARY:- Among those 'principles' which you say you abhor, this one is prominent, namely, that God having wisely and benignly ordered his universe that Something can never be acquired for Nothing, that 'so much for so much' is the eternal and immutable law, -man should conform his conduct to this beneficent law. The robber, the swindler, the beggar, the slaveholder, all vainly suppose that there is some other way of acquiring and enjoying the products of other men's labor than by paying for it; but God says no, and he will be obeyed. Steal, cheat, beg, or enslave as you may, you can at best but postpone payment, it will at last be exacted with fearful usury. In short, as there is no other proper way, so there is no other way so cheap, when we desire aught that is produced by the labor of others, as to fork over the needful,—lay it right down on the nail. You will see, therefore, that those detested principles, which you are at liberty henceforth to abhor more than ever, forbid my complying with your delicately worded request.

"EDITOR TRIBUNE."

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HIS REPLY TO ANOTHER. A. B. TO HORACE GREELEY.

"DEAR SIR:-In your extensive correspondence, you have undoubtedly secured several autographs of the late distinguished American poet, Édgar A. Poe. If so, will you please favor me with one, and oblige,

"Yours, respectfully,

"A. B."

HORACE GREELEY TO A. B.

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"DEAR SIR: -I happen to have in my possession but one autograph of the late distinguished American poet, Edgar A. Poe. It consists of an I. O. U., with my name on the back of it. It cost me just $50, and you can have it for half price.

"Yours,

"HORACE GREELEY."

CHAPTER XXXIV.

HORACE GREELEY NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY.

THE history of the Convention which met at Cincinnati on the 1st of May, 1872, is fresh in the recollection of every reader, and need not be repeated here. I am glad that it is so. Not a word of this volume was written for the purpose of promoting Mr. Greeley's political advancement. Indeed, I never supposed that so outspoken a person could be nominated to an important executive office. I may also confess that I heard of his nomination to the presidency with regret; for, now that the great prosperity of “The Tribune” places the editor more at ease than he has usually been, I have indulged the hope that he would at last be able to realize the dream of thirty years, and go a-fishing. It is only necessary to place on record here the final proceedings of the Convention which resulted in the nomination of Horace Greeley for the presidency.

On the morning of the third day, Mr. Horace White, editor of "The Chicago Tribune," and Ch irman of the Committee on the Platform, reported an address and twelve resolutions, both of which were adopted by the Convention with unanimity and enthusiasm.

THE ADDRESS.

The Administration now in power has rendered itself guilty of wanton disregard of the laws of the land, and of usurping powers not granted by the Constitution; it has acted as if the laws had binding force only for those who are governed, and not for those who govern. It has thus struck a blow at the fundamental principles of Constitutional government and the liberties of the citi

zen.

The President of the United States has openly used the powers and opportunities of his high office for the promotion of personal ends.

He has kept notoriously corrupt and unworthy men in places of power and responsibility, to the detriment of the public interest.

He has used the public service of the Government as a machinery of corruption and personal influence, and has interfered, with tyrannical arrogance, in the political affairs of States and municipalities.

He has rewarded with influential and lucrative offices men who had acquired his favor by valuable presents, thus stimulating demoralization of our political life by his conspicuous example.

He has shown himself deplorably unequal to the tasks imposed upon him by the necessities of the country, and culpably careless of the responsibilities of his high office.

The partisans of the Administration, assuming to be the Republican party, and controlling its organization, have attempted to justify such wrongs, and palliate such abuses, to the end of maintaining partisan ascendency.

They have stood in the way of necessary investigations and indispensable reforms, pretending that no serious fault could be found with the present administration of public affairs, thus seeking to blind the eyes of the people.

They have kept alive the passions and resentments of the late civil war, to use them for their own advantage; they have resorted to arbitrary measures, in direct conflict with the organic law, instead of appealing to the better instincts and latent patriotism of the Southern people, by restoring to them those rights the enjoyment of which is indispensable to a successful administration of their local affairs, and would tend to revive a patriotic and hopeful national feeling.

They have degraded themselves and the name of their party, once justly entitled to the confidence of the nation, by a base sycophancy to the dispenser of the Executive power and patronage, unworthy of republican freemen; they have sought to silence the voice of just criticism, and stifle the moral sense of the people, and to subjugate public opinion by tyrannical party discipline.

They are striving to maintain themselves in authority for selfish ends, by an unscrupulous use of the power which rightfully belongs

to the people, and should be employed only in the service of the country.

Believing that an organization thus led and controlled can no longer be of service to the best interests of the Republic, we have resolved to make an independent appeal to the sober judgment, conscience, and patriotism of the American people.

THE RESOLUTIONS.

We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States in National Convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following principles as essential to just government :

First We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political.

Second — We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these States, emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution.

Third- We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the rebellion which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all sections of the country.

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Fourth - Local self-government with impartial suffrage will guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. The public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military authority, and the freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus. We demand for the individual the largest liberty consistent with public order, for the State selfgovernment, and for the Nation a return to the methods of peace and the constitutional limitations of power.

Fifth - The civil service of the Government has become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of republican government.

Sixth-We therefore regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour; that hon