An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain, in relation to the trade between the United States and her West India and North American colonies, which has settled a question that has for years afforded matter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and has been the subject of no less than six negotiations, in a manner which promises results highly favorable to the parties.

The abstract right of Great Britain to monopolize the trade with her colonies, or to exclude us from a participation therein, has never been denied by the U. States. But we have contended, and with reason, that if, at any time, Great Britain may desire the productions of this country as necessary to her colonies, they must be received upon principles of just reciprocity; and further, that it is making an invidious and unfriendly distinction, to open her colonial ports to the vessels of other nations, and close them against those of the United States. Antecedently to 1794, a portion of our productions was

With a population unparalleled in its increase, and pos-admitted into the colonial islands of Great Britain, by par sessing a character which combines the hardihood of en- ticular concession, limited to the term of one year, but terprise with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in renewed from year to year. In the transportation of every section of our happy country a steady improvement these productions, however, our vessels were not allowed in the means of social intercourse, and correspondent ef- to engage; this being a privilege reserved to British shipfects upon the genius and laws of our extended republic. ping, by which alone our produce could be taken to the The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the pros-islands, and theirs brought to us in return. From Newpect are to be referred rather to inevitable diversities in foundland and her continental possessions, all our producthe various interests which enter into the composition of tions, as well as our vessels, were excluded, with occa90 extensive a whole, than to any want of attachment to sional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, the the Union-interests whose collisions serve only, in the former were admitted in British bottoms. end, to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism, so essential to the preservation of that union which, I most devoutly hope, is destined to prove imperishable.

In the midst of these blessings, we have recently witnessed changes in the condition of other nations, which may, in their consequences, call for the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity, in our councils, and the exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people.

By the treaty of 1794, she offered to concede to us, for a limited time, the right of carrying to her West India possessions, in our vessels not exceeding seventy tons burden, and upon the same terms as British vessels, any productions of the United States which British vessels might import therefrom. But this privilege was coupled with conditions which are supposed to have led to its rejection by the Senate: that is, that American vessels should land their return cargoes in the United States only; and, moreover, that they should, during the continuance of the privilege, be precluded from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton, either from those islands or from the U.States, to any other part of the world. Great Britain readily consented to expunge this article from the treaty; and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms of the trade, either by treaty stipulations or concerted legislation, having failed, it has been successively suspended and allowed, according to the varying legislation of the parties.

The important modifications of their Government, ef fected with so much courage and wisdom by the people of France, afford a happy presage of their future course, and has naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of applause in which you have participated. In congratulating you, my fellow.citizens, upon an event so auspicious to the dearest interests of mankind, I do no more than respond to the voice of my country, without transcending, in the slightest degree, that salutary maxim of the illustrious Washington, which enjoins an abstinence from all interference with the internal affairs of other nations. The following are the prominent points which have, in From a people exercising, in the most unlimited degree, later years, separated the two Governments. Besides a the right of self government, and enjoying, as derived restriction, whereby all importations into her colonies in from this proud characteristic, under the favor of heaven, American vessels are confined to our own products carried much of the happiness with which they are blessed; a hence, a restriction to which it does not appear that we people who can point in triumph to their free institutions, have ever objected, a leading object on the part of Great and challenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as Britain has been to prevent us from becoming the carri well as with the moderation, intelligence, and energy, ers of British West India commodities to any other counwith which they are administered; from such a people, try than our own. On the part of the United States, it the deepest sympathy was to be expected in a struggle has been contended, 1st. That the subject should be refor the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit gulated by treaty stipulations in preference to separate leevery way worthy of the cause, and crowned by an hero-gislation; 2d. That our productions, when imported into ic moderation which has disarmed revolution of its terrors. the colonies in question, should not be subject to higher Notwithstanding the strong assurances which the man duties than the productions of the mother country, or of whom we so sincerely love and justly admire has given to her other colonial possessions; And, 3d. That our ves. the world of the high character of the present King of the sels should be allowed to participate in the circuitous trade French, and which, if sustained to the end, will secure to between the United States and different parts of the Brihim the proud appellation of Patriot King, it is not in his tish dominions. success, but in that of the great principle which has borne him to the throne-the paramount authority of the public will-that the American people rejoice.

I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged at the date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairs, have been fully realized in several important particulars.

|

The first point, after having been, for a long time, strenuously insisted upon by Great Britain, was given up by the act of Parliament of July, 1825; all vessels sut fered to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear from thence with any articles which British vessels might export; and proceed to any part of the world, Great Britain and her dependencies alone excepted. On our

President's Message.

part, each of the above points had, in succession, been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of which the result is now announced.

This arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked by them, and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable to this country than any on which it ever stood; and our commerce and navigation will enjoy, in the colonial ports of Great Britain, every privilege allowed to other nations. That the prosperity of the country, so far as it depends on this trade, will be greatly promoted by the new arrange. ment, there can be no doubt. Independently of the more obvious advantages of an open and direct intercourse, its establishment will be attended with other consequences of a higher value. That which has been carried on since the mutual interdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incident to it, would have been insupportably onerous, had it not been, in a great degree, lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the transhipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives, not only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain such relations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts of direct, open, and honorable competition only; and preserve them from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances.

[21st CONG. 2d SESS.

tain, and concluded in a manner strongly indicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with the United States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of my ability, is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege to discharge.

Although the result is, itself, the best commentary on the services rendered to his country by our Minister at the court of St. James, it would be doing violence to my feelings were I to dismiss the subject without expressing the very high sense I entertain of the talent and exertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion. The injury to the commerce of the United States resulting from the exclusion of our vessels from the Black sea, and the previous footing of mere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hitherto been placed, have, for a long time, been a source of much solicitude to this Government; and several endeavors have been made to obtain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance of the object, I felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed to ac quire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the principal Powers of Europe. Commissioners were, consequently, appointed, to open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the member of the commission who went directly from the United States had sailed, the account of the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects in view was supposed to be secured, reached this country. The Black Sea was understood to be opened to us. Under the supposition that this was the case, the additional facilities to be derived from the establishment of commercial regulations with the Porte were deemed of sufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as originally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in, and resulted in a treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate.

When your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the last session, a copy of the instructions under which Mr. McLane has acted, together with the communications which had at that time passed between him and the British Government, was laid before you. Although there has not been any thing in the acts of the two Go. vernments which requires secrecy, it was thought most proper, in the then state of the negotiation, to make that By its provisions, a free passage is secured, without communication a confidential one. So soon, however, as limitation of time, to the vessels of the United States, to the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is and from the Black Sea,including the navigation thereof; received, the whole matter shall be laid before you, when and our trade with Turkey is placed on the footing of the it will be seen that the apprehension which appears to most favored nation. The latter is an arrangement wholhave suggested one of the provisions of the act passed at ly independent of the treaty of Adrianople; and the your last session, that the restoration of the trade in ques- former derives much value, not only from the increased tion might be connected with other subjects, and was security which, under any circumstances, it would give sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public inter- to the right in question, but from the fact, ascertained in est in other particulars, was wholly unfounded; and that the course of the negotiation, that, by the construction the change which has taken place in the views of the put upon that treaty by Turkey, the article relating to British Government has been induced by considerations the passage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations hav. as honorable to both parties, as, I trust, the result willing treaties with the Porte. The most friendly feelings prove beneficial. appear to be entertained by the Sultan, and an enlight. This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly pro-ened disposition is evinced by him to foster the intercourse moted by the liberal and confiding provisions of the act between the two countries by the most liberal arrangeof Congress of the last session, by which our ports were, ments. This disposition it will be our duty and interest upon the reception and annunciation by the President of to cherish. the required assurance on the part of Great Britain, Our relations with Russia are of the most stable chaforthwith opened to her vessels, before the arrangement racter. Respect for that Empire, and confidence in its could be carried into effect on her part; pursuing, in this friendship towards the United States, have been so long act of prospective legislation, a similar course to that entertained on our part, and so carefully cherished by adopted by Great Britain, in abolishing, by her act of Par- the present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor, as to hamnent, in 1825, a restriction then existing, and permit-have become incorporated with the public sentiment of ting our vessels to clear from the colonies, on their return the United States. No means will be left unemployed on voyages, for any foreign country whatever, before British my part to promote these salutary feelings, and those imvessels had been relieved from the restriction imposed by provements of which the commercial intercourse between our law, of returning directly from the United States to the two countries is susceptible, and which have derived inthe colonics-a restriction which she required and ex- creased importance from our treaty with the Sublime Porte. pected that we should abolish. Upon each occasion, a limited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party, but an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feelings, and the ultimate establishment of the tradle upon fair principles.

I sincerely regret to inform you that our Minister lately commissioned to that Court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience in public affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled, by extreme indisposition, to exercise a privilege, which, in consideration of the ex tent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public service, was committed to his discretion-of leaving temporarily his post for the advantage of a more ge

It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation has been, throughout, characterised by the most frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Bri-nial climate,

If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburgh, and resume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most satisfactory as surance that, in the mean time, the public interests in that quarter will be preserved from prejudice, by the intercourse which he will continue, through the Secretary of Legation, with the Russian cabinet.

You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officially announced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was, in the month of March last, concluded, between the United States and Denmark, by which $650,000 are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Se nate at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the Board of Commissioners to distribute the indemnity amongst the claimants. It is an agreeable circumstance of this adjustment, that its terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of the claimants themselves; thus removing all pretence for a future agitation of the subject in any form.

The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remained to be adjusted, have been actively prosecuted during the recess. Material advances have been made, which are of a character to promise favorable | results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a situation to invite aggression; and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and friendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfil our engagements with scrupulous fidelity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice; holding our selves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be done by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any Nation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere application of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest.

Of the points referred to, the most prominent are, our claims upon France for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two countries, which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty of commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement of li mits beween ourselves and that republic; and finally the arbitrament of the question between the United States and Great Britain in regard to the northeastern boundary.

The negotiation with France has been conducted by our Minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally dimmed by counterpretensions, to which the United States could not assent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satis factory settlement with the late Government. The nego tiation has been renewed with the present authorities; and, sensible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of regenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power, yet, to announce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation, has been taken; and I do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done to us. The amount of the claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontrovertible justice, make an earnest prose cution of them by this Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed; and whatever distinc tions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing Government, it is quite clear that such considerations cannot now be interposed.

The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible of highly advantageous improvements; but the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From its satisfactory adjustment, not only a firm and cordial friendship, but a progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be speed. ily removed.

I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and magnanimous Nation, is alike warranted by the character of the French people, and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the monarch who now presides over their councils; and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any manifestation of the spirit we an ticipate in one of corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of that Government, by our Minister there, with much force and propriety; and the strongest assurances have been received of their early and favora ble consideration.

The steps which remained to place the matter in controversy between Great Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator, have all been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtless served to delay the decision, but our Minister at the Court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by the treaty. I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly favorable, and, as I hope, lasting change has been effected in our relations with the neighboring republic of Mexico. The unfortunate and unfounded sus picions in regard to our disposition, which it became my painful duty to advert to on a former occasion, have been, I believe, entirely removed; and the Government of Mexico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country. The consequence is, the establishment of friendship and mutual confidence. Such are the assurances which I have received, and I see no cause to doubt their sincerity.

I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the present occasion. Circumstances which are not explain. ed, but which, I am persuaded, are not the result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it, have produced the delay.

There was reason to fear, in the course of the last sum mer, that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain claimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which has hitherto been under our jurisdic tion. The co-operation of the representative of Mexico near this Government was asked on the occasion, and was readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the Governor of Arkansas and the Officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State, by which, it is hoped, the quiet of that frontier will be preserved, until a anal settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of controversy,

The exchange of ratification of the treaty concluded last year with Austria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by the non-arrival of the ratifica tion of that Government within the time prescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the representative of Austria; and, in the mean time, the ra pidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts.

Several alleged depredations have been recently com. mitted on our commerce by the national vessels of Por tugal. They have been made the subject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yet possessed

The one

of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of
their character, but expect soon to receive it. No pro-
per means shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all
the redress to which they may appear to be entitled.
Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last
session, two bills, the one entitled "An act for making
appropriations for building light-houses, light-boats, bea-
cons, and monuments, placing buoys, and for improving
harbors and directing surveys," and the other, "An act
to authorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and
Portland Canal Company," were submitted for my appro-
val. It was not possible, within the time allowed me,
before the close of the session, to give these bills the
consideration which was due to their character and impor-
tance; and I was compelled to retain them for that pur-
pose. I now avail myself of this early opportunity to re-rough consideration of the subject, have convinced me of
turn them to the Houses in which they respectively ori-
ginated, with the reasons which, alter mature delibera-
tion, compel me to withhold my approval.

jects, I should not have withheld my assent.
now returned does so in several particulars, but it also
contains appropriations for surveys of a local character,
which I cannot approve. It gives me satisfaction to find
that no serious inconvenience has arisen from withhold-
ing my approval from this bill; nor will it, I trust, be
cause of regret that an opportunity will be thereby afford-
ed for Congress to review its provisions under circum-
stances better calculated for full investigation than those
under which it was passed.

The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States the expenses incurred by the establishment and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, within the bays, inlets, harbors, and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been continued without interruption or dispute.

In speaking of direct appropriations, I mean not to include a practice which has obtained to some extent, and to which I have, in one instance, in a different capacity, given my assent-that of subscribing to the stock of private associations. Positive experience, and a more thothe impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investments. All improvements effected by the funds of the nation, for general use, should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls, or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals, is inconsistent with the object of its institution, and highly impolitic. The successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by confining it to the few and simple, but yet important objects for which it was designed.

As our foreign com nerce increased, and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers, the sphere of those expenditures received a corresponding enlargement. Light-houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts from time to time established by law, were authorized upon the same principle, and the expense defrayed in the same manner. That these expenses have at times been extravagant and disproportionate, is very probable. The circumstances under which they are incurred, are well calculated to lead to such a result, unless their application is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages arising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appropriations for objects of this character that are neither necessary nor use ful. The number of light-house keepers is already very large, and the bill before me proposes to add to it fiftyone more, of various descriptions. From representations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled to respect, I am induced to believe that there has not only been great improvidence in the past expenditures of the Government upon these objects, but that the security of navigation has, in some instances, been diminished by the multiplication of light-houses, and consequent change of lights, upon the coast. It is in this, as in other respects, our duty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as every increase of patronage not called for by the public ser-propriate concerns of individuals. VICC. But, in the discharge of that duty in this particu lar, it must not be forgotton that, in relation to our foreign commerce, the burden and benefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom house. It is indisputable, that whatever gives facility and security to navigation, cheapens imports; and all who consume them are alike interested in whatever produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise, they do not pay. The consumer in the most inland State derives the same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign commerce and navigation, that he does who resides in a ma ritime State. Local expenditures have not, of themselves, a correspondent operation.

A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change the character of this Government, by consolidating into one the General and State Governments, which were intended to be kept forever distinct. I cannot perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions can be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescri bed by the Constitution. If the interest of the Government in private companies is subordinate to that of individuals, the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution, and beyond the supervision of our constituents: if superior, its officers and agents will be con stantly exposed to imputations of favoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice to the public interest, or an alienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people, may, therefore, in addition to the general discredit resulting to the Government from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary speculations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of consequences like these cannot be great from a limited and small number of investments: because experience in other matters teaches us, and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions, that, unless an entire stop be put to them, it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation, until they are spread over the whole country, and made to embrace many of the private and ap

Fron a bill making direct appropriations for such ob

The power which the General Government would acquire within the several States by becoming the principal stockholder in corporations, controlling every canal and each sixty or hundred miles of every important road, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almost inconceivable, and, in my view, dangerous to the liberties of the people.

This mode of aiding such works is, also, in its nature, deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds. Appropriations will be obtained with much greater facility, and granted with less security to the public interest, when the measure is thus disguised, than when definite and direct expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular objects. In a Government like ours, more especially, should all

public acts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, consider it either honest or wise to purchase local favor and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for at the sacrifice of principle and the general good. the approbation or animadversion of the people. The So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Port- satisfied that the best interests of our common country land canal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty imperiously require that the course which I have recom of withholding additional appropriations for the same ob- mended in this regard should be adopted, I have, upon ject, when the first erroneous step has been taken by in- the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. stituting a partnership between the Government and pri- It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that vate companies. It proposes a third subscription on the I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must part of the United States, when each preceding one was at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right at the time regarded as the extent of the aid which Go- of the Executive to withhold his assent from bills on other vernment was to render to that work; and the accompa- grounds than their unconstitutionality. That this right nying bill for light-houses, &c. contains an appropriation should not be exercised on slight occasions, all will adfor a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its mit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the improvement, by removing the obstruction which the ca- principle involved may be justly regarded as next in im nal is designed to avoid. This improvement, if success-portance to infractions of the Constitution itself, that ful, would afford a free psssage to the river, and render such a step can be expected to meet with the approba the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the tion of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientiouscourse of legislation subject, in relation to internal im. ly believe the present to be. In the discharge of this provements on local matters, even with the best inten- delicate and highly responsible duty, I am sustained by tions on the part of Congress. the reflection that the exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors; and by the persuasion, too, that, whatever liberal institutions may have to fear from the encroachments of Executive power, which has been In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions every where the cause of so much strife and bloody conto the Maysville and Rockville Road Companies, I ex- tention, but little danger is to be apprehended from a prepressed my views fully in regard to the power of Con- cedent by which that authority denies to itself the exer gress to construct roads and canals within a State, or to cise of powers that bring in their train influence and pa. appropriate money for improvements of a local character. tronage of great extent; and thus excludes the operation 1, at the same time, intimated my belief that the right to of personal interests, every where the bane of official make appropriations for such as were of a national cha- trust. I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from racter had been so generally acted upon, and so long the reflection, that, if I have mistaken the interests and acquiesced in by the Federal and State Governments, and wishes of the people, the Constitution affor Is the means the constituents of each, as to justify its exercise on the of soon redressing the error, by selecting for the place ground of continued and uninterrupted usage; but that it their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opiwas, nevertheless, highly expedient that appropriations,nions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean even of that character, should, with the exception made time, the interests of the nation will be saved from preat the time, be deferred until the national debt is paid, judice, by a rigid application of that portion of the public and that, in the mean while, some general rule for the ac- funds which might otherwise be applied to different ob tion of the Government in that respect ought to be esta jects to that highest of all our obligations, the payment blished. of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded før the adoption of some better rule for the operations of the Government in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon.

Although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may be already sufficiently stated, I am, nevertheless, induced by its importance to add a few observations of a general character.

These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question then before me; and were, I readily ad mit, intended to awaken the attention, and draw forth the opinions and observations, of our constituents, upon Profoundly impressed with the importance of the suba subject of the highest importance to their interests, and ject, not merely as it relates to the general prosperity of one destined to exert a powerful influence upon the fu- the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I canture operations of our political system. I know of no not avoid repeating my earnest hope that all good cititribunal to which a public man in this country, in a case zens, who take a proper interest in the success and har of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater advantage mony of our admirable political institutions; and who are or more propriety, than the judgment of the people; and incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state of although I must necessarily, in the discharge of my offi-things into means for the gratification of personal ambicial duties, be governed by the dictates of my own judg- tion-will, laying aside minor considerations, and discard. ment, I have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to con- ing local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to estabform, as far as I can, to the views of those for whom I act.lish some fixed general principle, which shall be calcu All irregular expressions of public opinion are of neces-lated to effect the greatest extent of public good in resity attended with some doubt as to their accuracy: but, gard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford making full allowances on that account, I cannot, I think, the least ground for sectional discontent. deccive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as well as the suggestions which I allowed myself to make in relation to their bearing upon the future operations of the Government, have been approved by the great body of the people. That those whose immediate pecuniary interests are to be affected by proposed expenditures should shrink from the application of a rule which prefers their more general and remote interests to those which are personal and immediate, is to be expected. But even such objections must, from the nature of our population, be but temporary in their duration; and if it were otherwise, our course should be the same, for the time is yet, I hope, far distant, when those entrusted with power to be exercised for the good of the whole, will

The general ground of my objection to local appropriations has been heretofore expressed; and I shall endea vor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urgedthe importance of sustaining the State sovereignties, as far as is consistent with the rightful action of the Federal Government, and of preserving the greatest attain.ble harmony between them. I will now only add an expres sion of my conviction-a conviction which every day's experience serves to confirm that the political creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which we must alone look for its future stability.