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and proper in themselves, as of very little practical utility to wards accomplishing the great object of the legislature-the final abolition of the Slave Trade.

This act, after reciting, that, notwithstanding the previous enactments of the legislature, declaring the Slave Trade to be unlawful, divers persons do continue to trade and deal in slaves upon the coast of Africa, and elsewhere; subjects offenders to imprisonment and transportation; but unfortunately it is impe rative upon British subjects alone, by whom this trade is not carried on, or at least, comparatively in a very trifling degree; and it is not imperative upon the Spaniards and Portuguese, by whom it is carried on to an enormous degree. Thus we are providing pains and penalties in order to suppress this trade, where it no longer exists, and leave it undisturbed where it not only exists, but is daily increasing.

A few day ago, I received a letter from the Havannah, of which the following is an extract, and which I give in the language of my correspondent, both as it has a naïveté of expression which would suffer by being translated, and as it shows the badinage with which our moral feelings on this subject are treated by our allies in that part of the world: "Quoiqu'il arrive journellement des Batiments de la Cote "d'Afrique, les Negres se maintiennent a 4 and 500 gourdes; "les proprietaires craignant que ce commerce ne finisse "promptement, s'empressent de prendre des actions, pour "encourager ces expeditions antiphilantropiques."

In further proof of the correctness of this statement, it appears by official accounts of the duties collected in the island of Cuba, that the quantity of sugar exported in the year 1792 was 72,854 chests; and that the quantity exported in the year 1809 was 238,842 chests. Thus, in the course of the twenty years that have elapsed since we first projected the abolition of the Slave Trade in the British colonies, Cuba has more than trebled the growth of her produce; and, consequently, the number of her slaves, by whose labour that produce is raised. Nor is there any reason to doubt, that in all the other Spanish settlements, and in the Brazils, the case is precisely the same.

These documents prove, that the result of all we have hitherto done, is, that the Slave Trade, instead of being abolished, has only changed hands. No diminution has taken place in the quantity of sugar and coffee raised by the extorted labour of the unhappy Africans, to gratify European luxury; on the contrary, an additional quantity has been raised in the foreign settlements, under an expectation, that,

in consequence of the abolition of the Slave Trade, by Great Britain, the cultivation of her colonies would necessarily decline. Not only has our partial abolition of this traffic rated as an inducement to others to carry it on, but we have also given them every possible encouragement so to do, by opening our ports for the reception of the produce thus made, and offering our merchants for the agents of its more convenient distribution to every market in Europe.

I never could comprehend the necessity of that overstrained delicacy with which we have treated our allies on this subject; nor why, in negociating with them for the abolition of the Slave Trade, the great principles of justice, humanity, and policy, are to be compromised. During the riots in the year 1780, I recollect hearing the then chief magistrate of this city, instead of putting a stop to the ravages of the rioters at once, by using the military force placed at his command, very mildly intreat them, "to do as little mischief as possible;" and the consequence was, that they did all the mischief they could, finding they might do so with impunity.

We appear to me to be acting in the same manner towards the Spaniards and Portuguese, who are carrying on the Slave Trade; for we have endeavoured to prevail upon the latter to confine this barbarous, bloody, and inhuman traffic, to a certain part of the coast; and have urged them both to leave it off as soon as they can. In short, our government addresses them precisely in the language used by Mr. KENNETT to the rioters, beseeching them to do as little mischief as possible; and they, like the rioters, laugh at us for our forbearance, while they go on with their work of slaughter and destruction. In my opinion, instead of imposing the task upon the Spanish and Portuguese governments, of abolishing this traffic by their acts, in opposition to the interests and prejudices of their subjects, we ought to take it upon ourselves. The measure might be so generalized in our hands, as not to appear pointed at any one nation in particular; but merely as following up those principles which led us first to adopt it, in our own example.

With what propriety could the Spaniards or Portuguese complain of our immediately pursuing this line of conduct? They call upon us to fight for them in the cause of liberty. May we not, then, ask them, if they are sincere in their attachment to that cause, how they can refuse to renounce the practice of invading the liberty of others? With what justice can they exclaim against BUONAPARTE for endeavouring to make

slaves of them and their posterity, while they are daily exer cising the very same conduct towards the unhappy Africans! I maintain, that at least we have a right to make their renun ciation of this traffic the price of our alliance; and that we shall do so, unless those principles of justice and humanity by which we profess to be actuated are, in truth, subservient to those of policy.

Parliament has already addressed His Majesty, praying him not to sign any treaty of peace with any power, unless it contains a clause stipulating for the abolition of the Slave Trade. What can be so contradictory, as thus pledging ourselves to wage eternal war against those nations with whom we happen to be in a state of hostility, without they will put an end to this traffic, while at the same time we are giving other nations, with whom we happen to be in a state of amity, every possi ble encouragement to carry it on? Surely it is inconsistent in the highest degree, to announce to France and Holland, that we never will make peace with them, unless they'renounce a traffic which is so odious and detestable in our sight, when the continuance of this very traffic is not only no bar to our being at peace, but even to our entering into the closest bonds of alliance with Spain and Portugal. Suppose that a fresh negociation for peace were opened, and our plenipotentiary, in conformity to the address of parliament, were to insist upon the renunciation of the Slave Trade as a sine qua non ; would not BUONAPARTE tell him, that his master was assuming the papal functions, and fulminating the terrors of the church for deadly sins against one set of offenders, while he was distributing indulgencies and dispensations to commit them, to others whom he was disposed to favour? To be just, we must be consistent and uniform in our conduct.

If the Slave Trade be, indeed, that barbarous, bloody and inhuman traffic which we have described it-if it be repugnant to the principles of justice and humanity-why should not those who carry it on be considered as having put themselves out of the protection of the law of nations, as hostes humani generis, and be treated accordingly. Instead, then, of considering our countrymen alone who engage in it, as guilty of felony by the provisions of the Slave Trade Felony Act, let us extend the provisions of that act to all mankind; let the legislature declare, that from and after a certain day, all vessels, under whatever flag they may be navigated, that are detected carrying on the Slave Trade, shall be destroyed; the slaves re-landed; and the officers and crews set on shore, and

left to the mercy of those whom they came to enslave. No nation could reasonably take umbrage at a measure founded both on just and on general principles, and which would only apply to others in the same manner as it applied to ourselves. Whether such a proceeding would be strictly conformable to the law of nations, I am not jurist enough to determine; but, it is enough for me, that it would be conformable to the higher laws of justice, humanity and policy. We have the power of effectually abolishing the Slave Trade in our own hands; and, so often as we see power exerted for the purpose of oppressing and tyrannizing over our fellow-creatures, it would be some gratification to see it, for once, exerted for their protection and happiness.

MERCATOR.

General Meeting of the Friends of the Education of the Poor.

A PUBLIC meeting of the Friends and Supporters of the Royal Lancasterian System of Education, was held at the Freemason's Tavern, Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, on the 11th of May. Previous to the meeting, the Royal Free School in the Borough Road had been visited by their Royal Highnesses the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, Lord Erskine, and a number of very respectable gentlemen, who, after having inspected the progress of the children, went in a body to the Tavern, where were assembled the Duke of Bedford, the Marquis of Lansdown, Lord Keith, Sir Samuel Romilly, M.P., William Adam, Esq. M.P., E. W. Bootle, Esq. M.P., J. Abercrombie, Esq. M.P., John Jackson, Esq. M.P., Henry Brougham, Esq. M.P., F. Horner, Esq. M.P., William Smith, Esq. M.P., and a very numerous and respectable body of gentlemen.

The rules of etiquette required that one of the Royal Dukes should take the Chair, but this they handsomely waived in honour of the Duke of Bedford, to whom, as one of the earliest and most distinguished friends of the institution, they wished to pay a public tribute of respect. It was stated by the Duke of Kent, that the object of himself and Royal brother in coming forward to support the Lancasterian system, was not to take from the Duke of Bedford and Lord Somer

ville the honour which they had acquired, in cherishing from its infancy the institution, which had now so happily arrived at maturity, but to contribute all in their power by example and influence to the propagation of a system, which could not fail to promote the morals of the people, and also to insure the safety of the nation.

The Duke of Bedford then took the Chair, with a hearty greeting from the whole company. His Grace, in a neat and elegant speech, stated the objects of the meeting, and in particular dwelt upon the beneficial effects likely to result from pursuing Mr. Lancaster's plan. He described, in feeling language, the deplorable objects of poverty that he had witnessed in various parts of this kingdom, and particularly while he held a distinguished situation in Ireland, there it was shocking to contemplate the gross ignorance that prevailed both in a moral and religious point of view. To remedy these evils, education was absolutely necessary, and no plan appeared to him so likely to accomplish this desirable end, as that which he had seen Mr. Lancaster practise for a number of years, and which had now received a sanction from the Monarch to the lowest individual. His Grace said, it had been his good fortune to know Mr. Lancaster at the beginning of his pursuit, he had admired the zeal and perseverance with which he had surmounted great difficulties, and thought that the time was arrived when his system should be made to operate for the general good of the empire; he said there could not be a greater proof of the sincere desire of His Majesty for the good of the people, than the manner in which he had patronized Joseph Lancaster: and the wish expressed by His Majesty, "that he hoped to see the day when every child in the kingdom should be able to read the Bible," ought ever to be gratefully remembered.-(warm approbation.)

The Duke of Kent then addressed the meeting, and stated the satisfaction experienced by his Royal Brother and himself in having inspected with a numerous party the state of the institution in the Borough Road, His Royal Highness mentioned the success with which the plan had been introduced into the Royals, as an example to the regiments of the line; and he hoped that its benefits would soon be diffused throughout the army. He also felt very sanguine in his expectations that the extension of this plan of instruction would operate as a prevention to the filling of our prisons. He had seen some lads at the school, whom he had sent there from his own regiment, and whom he expected would be useful in forming

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