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failures in the preventive effect of vaccine inoculation, including mistakes, negligences, and mis-statements, have occured in a greater proportion than as one to eight hundred.*” is very improbable, then, that the actual failures amount to one in a thousand, or to any thing near that number. But let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that the failures amount to the proportion of one in five hundred; that is to say, that one of every five hundred persons vaccinated, remains liable to be infected by small-pox: and let us further imagine that this subsequent small-pox is not mitigated in any case, and therefore, that (as in the case of the ordinary natural small-pox) one in six of these will die. Then the worst result would be, that one, out of every three thousand persons vaccinated, would die. But we know, that one of three hundred persons, who receive the small-pox by inoculation, perishes of that disease. The conclusion is therefore obvious, that the worst result that could be calculated upon from vaccine failures, would leave the balance in favour of vaccination, in the proportion of ten to one. But, when we consider the actual state of the circumstances ;-that the number of deaths from inoculated small-pox really exceeds the number of failures of vaccination ;-that these "failures" are, in a great majority of instances, the means of insuring a very mitigated and harmless small-pox ;-and that they have, perhaps, in no instance, been followed by a fatal small-pox ;the chances of fatality from a failure of the vaccination are so trivial as to elude calculation, and the only chance of injury that ensues, is reduced to that of a temporary inconvenience.

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Lastly, let us reflect on the non-contagious nature of the vaccine disease, which, while it secures the individual from blindness, deformity or fatality, too often consequent on the small-pox, injures no one, and spreads no epidemic around, and we shall be compelled to admit, that, "with all its imperfections on its head," with a frequency of failure that its most active opponents have never yet ascribed to it, vaccination would still prove a blessing, such as few individuals have had the happiness to confer upon mankind.

We might here have terminated our observations, but the leading circumstance, communicated in the late Report from the National Vaccine Establishment, demands some notice. It is singular, that at the time when the public attention was

* See his Treatise, p. 23.

+ Doctor Willan states that "the inoculated small-pox still proves fatal in one case out of two hundred and fifty."-Ibid.

attracted by the occurrence of small-pox, after vaccination, in the sons of the Earl of Grosvenor and Sir Henry Martin, the second occurrence of small-pox in the Rev. Joshua Rowley, Miss Booth, and two other persons, should have hap pened.* In three of these cases, the previous small-pox had been taken by inoculation, and in the fourth, in the natural way. But the truth is, that the small-pox itself, in whichsoever of these two ways it is produced, is liable to the same anomalies and exceptions as the cow-pock. There are several examples of the fact on record; one of the most striking of which is the case of Mr. Langford, related in the 4th volume of the Memoirs of the Medical Society of London. This person was so "remarkably pitted and seamed" by a former malignant small-pox, "as to attract the notice of all who saw him" yet he died at the age of fifty, in an attack of confluent small-pox, in which he communicated the infection to five other individuals of the family, one of whom also died. It will be unnecessary here to detail the various examples which authors have described. The writer will just notice an instance, which occurred under his own observation not long ago, the particulars of which will be detailed in the 2d volume of the Medico-chirurgical Transactions," about to be published. This occurred in a woman, of twenty-five years of age, who was considerably pitted by a former confluent small pox, which she had suffered in her childhood. She caught the second disease, which went through the usual variolous stages in a mild way, by nursing her infant under a confluent small-pox, which proved fatal to it. It is remarkable, that her two elder children, who had been vaccinated a few years before, lived in the same apartment, during the progress of the small-pox in the infant and mother, and escaped the infection; the cow-pock in them having exerted a preventive power, which the previous smallpox had failed to effect in the mother. The poor woman had been prevented, by the terrors excited by the anti-vaccinists, from vaccinating her youngest child: a fact which should induce these opponents of the practice to reflect on the serious responsibility which they assume, in thus discouraging the adoption of this important preventive.

Bedford Row, August 19, 1811.

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* See the Report of July, 1811.

T. BATEMAN, M.D.

+ Several cases, and many references will be there found, which are omitted here for the sake of brevity.

Slave Trade Felony Act,

Ir is probably not necessary to inform any of our readers that another step has been accomplished in carrying into effect the purpose of the legislature for the abolition of the trade in slaves.

It was easily foreseen, when the grand act for that purpose was passed, that the ingenuity of those who unhappily had an interest in the continuance of that nefarious traffic, would be excited to the utmost to devise means of eluding it. All that could be done, was to shut the door against as many of these devices as could be foreseen; to remain upon the watch to discover the rest, as soon as they should be carried into effect ; and immediately to take measures against them.

It speedily appeared, that the act was defective in a most essential point; viz. in the efficacy of its sanction; as the penalty which it imposed was easily outweighed by the gain of violating it. In a pecuniary point of view, the chance of loss from breaking the act was less than the chance of gain; and the slave-trader had thus a profit as a premium for breaking it.

This unhappy state of the case was perceived by Mr. Brougham with that promptitude which is natural to a mind sincerely inimical, as his appears to be, to all institutions and practices unfavourable to the good of mankind; be they who they may that profit by them, whether traders in slaves, or gainers by abuses of any other description.

The pain of the punishment being not a match for the gain of the offence; and the offence being accordingly committed to a great extent, what was necessary was to raise the punishment, and so to raise it, as to make it outweigh in evil, the advantage that was to be gained by the criminal course.

For this purpose Mr. Brougham introduced a bill into parliament, and received that support which, at least since the era of the Abolition Act, parliament has always shewn itself disposed to afford to every man who had a measure to propose. calculated to bring to a period, as far as British subjects are concerned, that disgrace of humanity, the traffic in negroes.

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Instead of a mere pecuniary penalty for violating the Abolition Act, which a pecuniary gain would surpass, his object was to expose the crime to a personal punishment; and such a punishment as the gain of the offence, though capable of being frequently a great gain, should not be sufficient to compensate.

It was enacted accordingly, during the last session of parliament, that all subjects of the King of Great Britain, or persons residing in any of his dominions, at home, or abroad, carrying on the Slave Trade, or any way engaged therein, should be deemed felons, and should be liable to be transported beyond seas, for a term not exceeding four. teen years, or to be confined and kept to hard labour for a term not exceeding five years, nor less than three, at the discretion of the court before whom the offence should be proved.

It was also enacted, that persons serving on board of slave ships, and voluntarily contributing, even in this subordinate way, to the continuance of the traffic, should be liable to punishment. As the interest, however, of such persons, in thus contributing to the offence, was much less than that of the principals, so it was much easier to outweigh it by penalty. A milder punishment was therefore, according to the true legislative principle of meting out punishment according to its utility, and never employing a particle more than is necessary to produce the intended effect, awarded in the case of this second order of delinquents. Their crime was declared to be a misdemeanour, and punishable only by imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years.

These are the principal provisions of this important act, as to its explanatory clauses; as that it is not meant to hinder the removing of slaves from one British settlement to another; or to prevent the transportation to foreign places of slaves that may have been convicted of crimes; or to repeal former acts in respect to forfeitures, any particular mention of them is not necessary. Neither is it of importance to be minute in the account of its few clauses, the object of which is to make the better provision for its due and full execution; these are, first, that all governors and commanders in chief, and all persons authorized by them, may seize vessels, and all other property forfeited under any of the slave-abolishing acts; and, second, that all persons serving in the slave ships, shall be exempt from punishment, upon giving information of offences committed against the said acts.

Such is the addition which has been made to the provisions enacted by the British legislature, for preventing British subjects from carrying on, or contributing directly to carry on the Slave Trade. In what passed in parliament, on the occasion of passing the act of which the above is an account, seve ral things occurred, which are not unworthy of notice. It is our intention in our next number, to continue down to the end of the last session, our account of the proceedings in parliament relative to the Slave Trade; when those particulars will be duly recorded.

SLAVE TRADE, carried on by Nations other than British, particularly Spanish and Portuguese.

After all that can be done, for extinguishing the evils which arise from the traffic in human beings between the coast of Africa and the West Indies, by excluding from it British subjects; that, much will remain, while other nations are engaged in it, is beyond a doubt. The question, what can be done by the British government, towards extinguishing, or even diminishing this remaining lot of evil, is a question of very high importance, and ought steadily to occupy the attention of the friends of humanity in the British isles. Without being rash in offering any decision upon this interesting point, we shall omit no opportunity of contributing what is in our power to the forming of a right decision upon it; and, among other means by which we may hope to be useful in this respect, one is, by giving insertion, and thus accumulating for further service, whatever information or pertinent reflections it happens, to our research, to meet with upon the subject. It is with this view, that we here present to our readers, the principal part of a long letter, which appeared in the Times newspaper, of date 17th August, 1811. It is important for several of its facts, and not without importance for some of its reflections. We give it, in the mean time, as a call upon attention, and as a subject for consideration. The time for commenting upon it, and other articles of the mass of intelligence which we hope to procure, will arrive hereafter.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

SIR,-On contemplating the provisions of the Slave Trade Felony Act, I cannot participate in that sincere satisfaction which your correspondent lately expressed in announcing them to the public; because I considered them, though just

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